Skip to main content

Full text of "A brief history of forestry : in Europe, the United States and other countries"

See other formats


Agricultural CoH 


LXIAX „.. 

CLASS NO L3^mW-3<=i 


hi(^.A.. i9i..':^.. 


hbl, brti 

Storage 1034 
Brief history of forestry. 

3 T153 DD53flEt3D 3 



APR k 



In Europe, the United States 
AND Other Countries 


Bernhard E. ^Fernow, LL.D. 

Dean, Faculty of Forestry 
University of Toronto 

Revised and Enlarged Edition 

Uni\-ersity Press 


Forestry Quarterly. 
Cambridge, Mass. 

Copyright, Canada, 1911, 
By B. E. Fernow. 

To My Friend of Many Years 


whose warm personal interest and enthusiastic 

patriotism have from their beginnings 

inspired my labors in forwarding 

forestry interests in the 

United States. 



PREFACE ---------ix 



1. Forest Conditions ------ 9 

2. Development of Forest Property - - - 12 

3. Forest Use - - - - - - - 15 

4. Literature --_____ 19 

GERMANY ---_-_-_ 22 

1. From earliest Times to end of Middle Ages - 26 

1. Development of Property Conditions- - - 27 

2. Forest Treatment ------ 36 

n. First Development of Forestry Methods (1500 

TO 1800) ______ -41 

1. Development of Property Conditions- - - 42 

2. Forest Conditions - - - - - 47 

3. Methods of Restriction in Forest Use - - 49 

4. Development of Forest Policy - - - 52 

5. Personnel -------56 

6. Development of Silviculture - - - - 57 

7. Improvement of the Crop- - - - - 67 

8. Methods of Regulating Forest Management - 68 

9. Improvements in Methods of Mensuration- - 73 

10. Methods of Lumbering and Utilization - - 77 

11. Forest Administration - - - - - 80 

12. Forestry Schools ------ 83 

13. Forestry Literature ------ 84 

III. Development in the Nineteenth Century - - 91 

1. Changes in Property Conditions - - - 92 

2. Forest Conditions ------ 96 

3. Personnel ------- 97 

vi Contents. 


III. Development in the Nineteenth Century. — (Cont.) 

4. Progress in Silviculture ----- 102 

5. Methods of Forest Organization - - - 113 

6. Forest Administration - _ _ _ _ \20 

7. Forest Policy ------- 125 

8. Forestry Science and Literature _ _ - 131 

9. Means of Advancing Forestry Science - - 145 


1. Property Conditions _____ 157 

2. First Attempts at Forest Control - - - 158 

3. Development of Forest Policy _ - - - 162 

4. State Forest Administration _ _ _ _ 157 

5. Progress of Forest Organization _ _ _ igg 

6. Development of Silviculture _ _ _ _ 172 

7. Education and Literature- _ _ _ _ 175 

Hungary ------__- 178 

SWITZERLAND --------185 

1. Forest Conditions and Property Rights - - 188 

2. Development of Forest Policy _ _ - - 190 

3. Forestry Practice - - - - - - 198 

4. Education and Literature _ _ _ _ 2OO 

FRANCE ------_-- 207 

1. Development of Forest Property _ _ _ 207 

2. Development of Forest Administration - - 213 

3. Development of Modern Forest Policy - - 220 

4. Work of Reforestation ----- - 224 

5. Forestry Science and Practice - - - _ 233 

6. Education and Literature- _ _ _ _ 241 

7. Colonial Policies ------ 248 


1. Forest Conditions and Ownership _ _ - 255 

2. Development of Forest Policy _ _ - - 261 

Contents. vii 



3. Education and Literature- _ _ _ _ 270 

4. Forestry Practice ------ 273 

Finland ---------277 

Sweden ---------287 

1. Property Conditions _ - - _ - 290 

2. Development of Forest Policy - - - - 294 

3. Forest Administration and Forest Practice - 301 

4. Education and Literature- _ _ _ - 303 

Norway --------- 305 

Denmark --------- 314 

Turkish and Slavish Territories _ _ - - 321 

Greece ---------327 

1. Forest Conditions ------ 328 

2. Development of Forest Policy - - - - 332 

Italy ---------335 

1. Forest Conditions ------ 336 

2. Development of Forest Policy - - - - 340 

3. Education and Literature - - _ - 347 

Spain ___----__ 349 

1. Forest Conditions ------ 352 

2. Development of Forest Policy - - - - 354 

Portugal --------- SQO 


1. Forest Conditions ------ 367 

2. Development of Forest Policy - - - - 370 

viii Contents. 


India ---------380 

1. Forest Conditions ------ 383 

2. Property Conditions _ - - _ _ 388 
8. Development of Forest Policy - - - - 391 

4. Forest Organization and Administration - - 396 
6. Forest Treatment ------ 400 

6. Education and Literature - - - - 405 

Canada ---------409 

1. Forest Conditions ------ 414 

2. Ownership -_____- 421 

3. Administration of Timberlands _ _ ^ 424 

4. Development of Forest Policy - - - - 428 

5. Education ------- 435 

Newfoundland _______ 437 

Other British Possessions and Colonies - - - 438 

JAPAN ______-_- 442 

1. Forest Conditions and Ownership - - - 442 

2. Development of Forest Policy - - - - 446 

Korea -_-_-_-_- 455 


1. Forest Conditions ------ 461 

2. Early Forest History _ - _ - - 466 

3. Development of Forest Policy - - - - 479 

4. Education and Literature- _ _ _ - 499 

Insular Possessions ------ 504 


It has been a great surprise and also a great grati- 
fication to the author to see the first edition of this 
volume exhausted within less than two years since its 
appearance in complete form. The gratification has 
come especially because of the opportunity thus 
afforded of revision, improvement in style, and cor- 
rection of the many inaccuracies which the first edition 
contained, excusable only by the manner in which 
(as explained in the preface of the first edition) the 
volume had come into existence. 

Only in a few cases has it seemed desirable to 
expand, since the object of the book is not to be com- 
plete, but to give as briefly as possible an oversight 
over a rather large field. The chapter on France has, 
however, been entirely re-written and considerably 
enlarged to meet the just criticisms of reviewers; 
the excellent work of Huffel, full of historical data, 
which was not available when the first edition was 
printed, permitting a clearer and fuller statement to 
be made. 

As long as history is in the making, a book of this 
kind can hardly be brought up to date. This should 
especially be kept in mind by the reader in regard to 
the statistics brought in. Since these are only to 
serve in general to show the magnitude of the inter- 
ests involved, they may without damage be only ap- 
proximately accurate, and even of older date. 

Some of the chapters have been submitted for 
criticism and corrections to correspondents in the 
various countries to which they refer. For the kindly- 
assistance of these friends thanks is due from the 

Toronto, October, 1911. B. E. Fernow. 


This pubHcation is the result of a series of 25 lec- 
tures which the writer was invited to deliver before 
the students of forestry in Yale University as a part 
of their regular course of instruction during the 
session of 1904. 

Circumstances made it desirable, in the absence of 
any existing textbooks on the subject, to print at once, 
for the sake of ready reference, the substance of the 
lectures while they were being delivered. 

This statement of the manner in which the book 
came into existence will explain and, it is hoped, 
excuse the crudities of style, which has been also 
hampered by the necessity of condensation. 

The main object was to bring together the informa- 
tion, now scattered and mostly inaccessible to English 
or American readers: the style has been sacrificed to 
brevity; it is a book of expanded lecture notes. 

In the nature of the case the book does not lay claim 
to any originality except in the manner of presenta- 
tion, being merely a compilation of facts gathered 


mostly from other compilations, official documents and 

For none of the countries discussed does a complete 
work on the history of forests and forestry exist, ex- 
cepting in the case of Germany, which can boast of 
a number of comprehensive works on the subject. It 
was, therefore, possible to treat that country more in 
extenso. Moreover, it appeared desirable to enlarge 
upon the history of that country, since it is pre-em- 
inently in the lead in forestry matters and has passed 
through all the stages of development of forest 
policies and forestry practice, which, with more or less 
variations must be repeated in other countries. 

Especially the growth of the technical science and 
art of forestry, which has been developed in Germany 
for a longer time and to a more refined degree than in 
other countries, has been elaborated in the chapter 
relating to that country. 

For some of the other countries available sources of 
information were quite limited. The writer believes, 
however, that for the purpose of this brief statement 
the data collected will be found sufficient. 

In order to make conditions existing in the different 
countries and their causes more readily understood it 
appeared desirable to give very brief historic references 
to their political and economic development and also 
brief statements of their general physical conditions. 

Present conditions of forest policy and forest ad- 
ministration have sometimes been enlarged upon be- 
yond the requirements of historical treatment. 

Ithaca, N.Y., May, 1907. B. E. Fernow. 


The value of studying the historical development of 
an economic subject or of a technical art which, like 
forestry, relies to a large extent upon empiricism, lies 
in the fact that it brings before us, in proper perspec- 
tive, accumulated experience, and enables us to analyze 
cause and effect, whereby we may learn to appreciate 
the reasons for present conditions and the possibilities 
for rational advancement. 

If there be one philosophy more readily derivable 
than another from the study of the history of forestry 
it is that history repeats itself. The same policies and 
the same methods which we hear propounded to-day 
have at some other time been propounded and tried 
elsewhere: we can study the results, broadening our 
judgment and thereby avoid the mistakes of others. 

Nowhere is the record of experience and the historic 
method of study of more value than in an empiric art 
like forestry, in which it takes decades, a lifetime, nay 
a century to see the final effects of operations. 

Such study, if properly pursued, tends to free the 
mind from many foolish prejudices and particularly 
from an unreasonable partiality for our own country 
and its customs and methods merely because they are 
our own, substituting the proper patriotism, which ap- 
plies the best knowledge, wherever found, to our own 

Forestry is an art born of necessity, as opposed to 

2 History of Forests and Forestry. 

arts of convenience and of pleasure. Only when a 
reduction in the natural supplies of forest products 
under the demands of civilization, necessitates a 
husbanding of suppHes or necessitates the applica- 
tion of art or skill or knowledge in securing a repro- 
duction, or when unfavorable conditions of soil or 
climate induced by forest destruction make them- 
selves felt does the art of forestry make its appear- 
ance. Hence its beginnings occur in different places 
at different times and its development proceeds at 
different paces. 

In the one country, owing to economic develop- 
ment, the need of an intensive forest management 
and of strict forest policies may have arrived, while 
in another, rough exploitation and wasteful practices 
are still natural and practically unavoidable. And 
such differences, as we shall see, may even exist in 
the different parts of the same country. 

The origin and growth of the art, then, is depen- 
dent on economic and cultural conditions, on various 
economic development and on elements of environ- 
ment. The development of the art can only be 
understood and appreciated through the knowledge 
of such environment, of such other developments as 
of agriculture, of industries, of means of transporta- 
tion, of civilization generally. 

Hence we find, for instance, that England, located 
so as to be accessible by sea from all points of the 
compass and with oceanic shipping well developed, 
can apparently dispense with serious consideration 
of the forest supply question. 

Again, we find that more than a century ago fear 

Introductory. 3 

of a timber famine agitated not only the dense popu- 
lations of many European countries, but even the 
scanty population of the United States, in spite of 
the natural forest wealth which is still supplying us; 
and not without good reason, for at that time wood 
was the only fuel and rivers the only means of trans- 
portation; hence local scarcity was to be feared and 
was not unfrequently experienced when accessible 
forest areas had been exploited. Railroad and canal 
development and the use of coal for fuel changed 
this condition on both continents. Now, with im- 
proved means of transportation by land and by sea, 
the questions of wood supply and of forestry develop- 
ment, which at one time were of very local concern, 
have become world questions, and he who proposes 
to discuss intelligently forest conditions and forestry 
movement in one country must understand what is 
going on in other countries. 

As will appear from the study of the following 
pages, with the exception of some parts of central 
Europe or of some sporadic attempts elsewhere to 
regulate forest use, the development of the forestry 
idea belongs essentially to the 19th century, and 
more especially to the second half, when the rapid 
development of railroads had narrowed the world, 
and the remarkable development of industries and 
material civilization called for increased draft on 
forest resources. 

Yet we are still largely ignorant as to the extent 
of available forest area, not only in this country 
but elsewhere : we do not know whether it be sufficient 
in extent and yield to furnish a continuous supply 


4 History of Forests and Forestry. 

for the needs of our civilization, or, if not, for how 
long a time it will suffice. We can only make very 
broad statements as to questions of wood supply, 
and very broad inferences from them as argument 
for the need of a closer study of forest conditions and 
of the practice of forestry: 

1. Practically, the northern temperate zone alone 
produces the kinds of wood which enter most largely 
into our economy, namely the soft conifers and the 
medium hard woods ; most of the woods of the tropics 
are very hard, fit primarily for ornamental use and 
hence less necessary. Possibly a change in the methods 
of the use of wood may also change the relative 
economic values, but at present the vast forests of 
the tropical countries are of relatively little import- 
ance in the discussion of wood supply for the world. 

2. The productive forest area, of the temperate 
zone, in which the industrial nations are located, 
has continuously decreased. We shall not be far 
from wrong in stating this area liberally, to be at 
present around 2,500 million acres,* namely in Europe, 
800 million acres; in Asia, 800 million acres; in North 
America, 900 million acres. How much of this 
acreage contains available virgin timber, how much 
is merely potential forest, how much growing crop, 
it is impossible to state. 

3. The civilized wood consuming population of 
this territory is about 500 million, hence the per 
capita acreage is still 5 acres. Taking the European 
countries which now have to import all or part of 
their consumption (excess over exports), we find 

* The total forest area of the world is supposed to be 3,800 million acres. 

Introductory. 5 

that their population is estimated at 180 million and 
that they use 30 cubic feet of wood per capita, of which 
12 cubic feet is log timber; or altogether they use 
2,200 milHon cubic feet of this latter description, of 
which they import in round numbers 1,000 million 
at a cost of about 250 million dollars; their forest 
acreage of 100 million acres being insufficient to pro- 
duce, even under careful management as in Germany, 
more than two-thirds of their needs. And the wood 
consumption in all these nations is growing at the 
rate of 1>^ to 2 per cent, annually. 

4. The deficiency is at present supplied by the ex- 
port countries, Russia, Sweden, Norway, Austria- 
Hungary, Canada and United States, and these 
countries themselves also increasing their con- 
sumption, are beginning to feel the drain on their 
forest resources, which are for the most part merely 
roughly exploited. 

5. If we assume a log timber requirement by the 
500 million people of 6000 million cubic feet and 
could secure what France annually produces, namely 
a little less than 9 cubic feet of such timber per acre, 
the area supposed to be under forest would amply 
suffice. But a large part of it is in fact withdrawn from 
useful production and of the balance not more than 250 
million acres at best are as yet under management for 
continuous production. Hence attention to forestry 
is an urgent necessity for every industrial nation. 

The history of the forest in all forest countries 
shows the same periods of development. 

First hardly recognized as of value or even as 

6 History of Forests and Forestry. 

personal property, the forest appears an undesirable 
encumbrance of the soil, and the attitude of the 
settler is of necessity inimical to the forest: the need 
for farm and pasture leads to forest destruction. 

The next stage is that of restriction in forest use 
and protection against cattle and fire, the stage of 
conservative lumbering. Then come positive efforts 
to secure re-growth by fostering natural regeneration 
or by artificial planting: the practice of silviculture 
begins. Finally a management for continuity — 
organizing existing forest areas for sustained yield 
— forest economy is introduced. 

That the time and progress of these stages of de- 
velopment and the methods of their inauguration 
vary in different parts of the world is readily under- 
stood from the intimate relation which, as has been 
pointed out, this economic subject bears to all other 
economic as well as political developments. 

At the present time we find all the European 
nations practicing forestry, although with a very 
varying degree of intensity. The greatest and most 
universal development of the art is for good reasons 
to be found in Germany and its nearest neighbors. 
Early attention to forest conservancy was here in- 
duced by density of population, which enforces inten- 
sity in the use of soil, and by the comparative difficulty 
of securing wood supplies cheaply enough from out- 
side. On the other hand, such countries as the Medi- 
terranean peninsulas by their advantageous situation 
with reference to importations, with their mild climate 
and less intensive industrial development, have felt 
this need less. 

Introductory, 7 

Again, the still poorly settled and originally heavily 
timbered countries of the Scandinavian peninsula 
and the vast empire of Russia are still heavy exploiters 
of forest products and are only just beginning to 
feel the drain on their forest resources; while the 
United States, with as much forest wealth as Russia, 
but with a much more intensive industrial develop- 
ment, has managed to reach the stage of need for a 
conservative forest policy in a shorter time. 

From each of the European countries we learn 
something helpful towards inaugurating such policies, 
and while, owing to a different historical background 
and to different political and social conditions, none 
of their administrative methods and measures may 
appeal to us, the principles underlying them as well 
as those underlying their silvicultural methods remain 
the same; they are applicable everywhere, and can 
best be recognized and studied in the history of their 


The forest was undoubtedly the earliest home of 
mankind, its edible products forming its principal 
value. Its wild animals developed the hunter, the 
chase first furnishing means of subsistence and then 
exhilaration and pleasure. Next, it was the mast 
and, in its openings, the pasture which gave to the 
forest its value for the herder, and only last, with the 
development into settled communities and more 
highly civilized conditions of life, did the wood pro- 
duct become its main contribution toward that 
civilization. Finally, in the refinement of cultural 
conditions in densely settled countries is added its 
influence on soil, climate and water conditions. 

Although there is no written history, there is little 
doubt that these were the phases in the appreciation 
of woodlands in the earliest development of mankind, 
for we find the same phases repeated in our own times 
in all newly settled countries. 

As agriculture develops, the need for farming 
ground overshadows the usefulness of the forest in 
all these directions, and it is cleared away; moreover, 

Waldgeschichte des Alterthums, hy August Seidensticker, 1886, 2 vols., 
pp. 863, is a most painstaking: compilation from original sources of notes regard- 
ing the forest conditions and the knowledge of trees, forests and forestry among 
the ancients. Contains also a full bibliographj-. 

Die Wald-wirthschaft der Reenter, by J. Trurig, collects the knowledge, 
especially of arboriculture and silviculture, possessed by the Romans. 

Forst-wissenschaftltche Leistu7igen der Altgriechen, by Dr. ChloroS, in 
Forstwissenschaftliches Centralblatt, 1885, pp. 8. 

Archeologta forestale, Dell ' antic a storia e giurisprtidenzia forestale in Italia^ 
by A. Di Beranger, 1859. 

Forest Conditions. 9 

as population remains scanty, a wasteful use of its 
stores forms the rule, until necessity arises for greater 
care in the exploitation, for more rational distribu- 
tion of farm and forest area, and finally for inten- 
tional reproduction of wood as a useful crop. 

Correspondingly forest conditions change from the 
densely forested hills and mountain slopes during the 
age of the nomad and hunter to the "enclaves" or 
patches of field and pasture enclosed by the forest 
of the first farmers, then follows the opening up of 
the valleys and lowlands, while the hill and mountain 
farms may return to forest, and finally, with the in- 
crease of population and civilization in valleys and 
plains, a reduction of the forest area and a decrease 
of forest wealth results. 

1. Forest Conditions. 

While we have many isolated references to forest 
conditions and progress of forest exploitation among 
the ancients in the writings of poets and historians, 
these are generally too brief to permit us to gain a 
very clear picture of the progress of forest history; 
except in isolated cases, they furnish only glimpses, 
allowing us to fill in the rest to some xtent by guess. 

That the countries occupied and known to the an- 
cients, even Spain and Palestine, were originally 
well-wooded there seems little doubt, although in 
the drier regions and on the drier limestone soils, the 
forest was perhaps open, as is usual under such con- 
ditions, and truly arid, forestless regions were also 
found where they exist now. Although it has been 

10 The Forests of the Ancients. 

customary to point out some of the Mediterranean 
and Eastern countries as having become deserts and 
depopulated through deforestation, and although 
this is undoubtedly true for some parts, as Mount 
Lebanon and Syria, generalization in this respect is 

We know, however, that by the 11th century 
before Christ, in Palestine, Asia Minor and Greece, 
especially in the neighborhood of thriving cities, 
the forest cover had vanished to a large extent and 
building timber for the temples at Tyre and Sidon 
had to be brought long distances from Mount Lebanon, 
whose wealth of cedar was also freely drawn upon for 
ship timber and other structures. Although about 
465 B.C. Artaxerxes I, having recognized the pending 
exhaustion of this mountain forest, had attempted 
to regulate the cutting of timber, the exploitation 
had by 333 B. C. progressed to such an extent that 
Alexander the Great found at least the south slope 
exhausted and almost woodless. 

The destruction by axe and fire of the celebrated 
forests of Sharon, Carmel and Bashan is the theme of 
the prophet Isaiah writing about 590 B. C; and the 
widespread devastation of large forest areas during 
the Jewish wars is depicted by Josephus. In Greece, 
the Persian wars are on record as causes of widespread 
forest destruction. Yet in other parts, as on the island 
of Cyprus, which, originally densely wooded, had 
rapidly lost its forest wealth during Cleopatra's time 
through the development of mining and metallurgi- 
cal works, ship building and clearing for farms, the 
kings seemed to have been able to protect the rem- 

Forest Conditions. 11 

nants for a long time, so that respectable forest cover 
exists even to date. 

The Romans seem to have had still a surplus of 
ship timber at their command in the third and second 
centuries before Christ, when they did not hesitate 
to burn the warships of the Carthaginians (203 B.C.) 
and of the Syrians (189 B.C.), although it may be 
that other considerations forced these actions. De- 
nuded hills and scarcity of building timber in certain 
parts are mentioned at the end of the third century 
before Christ, and that the need for conservative 
use of timber resources had arrived also appears from 
the fact that when (167 B.C.) the Romans had brought 
Macedonia under their sway, the cutting of ship 
timber in the extensive forests of that country was 
prohibited. Although at that time the Roman State 
forests were still quite extensive, it is evident that 
under the system of renting these for the mast and 
pasture and for the exploitation of their timber to 
companies of contractors, their devastation must have 
progressed rapidly. Yet, on the whole, with local 
exceptions, Italy remained well wooded until the 
Christian era. 

In Spain, according to Diodorus Siculus (about 100 
B.C.), the Southern provinces were densely wooded 
when about 200 B.C. the Romans first took posses- 
sion; but soon after a great forest fire starting from 
the Pyrenees ran over the country, exposing deposits 
of silver ore, which invited a large influx of miners, 
the cause of reckless deforestation of the country. 
The interior of this peninsula, however, was probably 
always forestless or at least scantily wooded. 

12 The Forest of the Ancients. 

While through colonization, exploitation, fire and 
other abuse, the useful forest area was decimated in 
many parts, the location of the Mediterranean penin- 
sular countries was such that wood supplies could be 
readily secured by water from distant parts, and 
the lignarii or wood merchants of Italy drew their 
supplies even from India by way of Alexandria; they 
went for Ash to Asia Minor; for Cedar to Cilicia; 
Paphlagonia, Liguria and Mauritania became the 
great wood export countries. It is interesting to 
note that a regular wood market existed in Rome, as 
in Jerusalem, and at the former place firewood was 
sold by the pound (75c per 200 lbs., in Cicero's time). 
At the same time that the causes of devastation were 
at work the forest area also increased in some parts, 
recovering ground lost during wars and through the 
neglect of farms by natural seeding; much less by 
active effort, although planting of trees in parks, 
vineyards and groves was early practiced to a limited 

2. Development of Property. 

As to development of forest property we have 
also only fragmentary information. Nomads do 
not know soil as property. When they become 
settled farmers the plowland, the vineyard or olive 
grove and orchard are recognized as private property, 
but all the rest remains common property or no- 
body's in particular; and even the private pro- 
perty was not at first entirely exclusive. Hence for 
a long time (and in some parts even to date) the ex- 
clusive property right in forests is not fully established. 

Property Conditions. 13 

At least the right to hunt over all territory without 
restriction was possessed by everybody, although an 
owner might prevent undesirable hunters from enter- 
ing his property if it was enclosed. The setting aside 
of hunting grounds for private use came into existence 
only in later Roman times. But woodland parks, 
planted or otherwise, like the "paradises" of the Persian 
kings and the nemora of the Romans and Carthaginians 
were early a part of the private property of princes 
and grandees from which others were excluded. 

Forests formed a barrier and defense against out- 
siders, or a hiding place in case of need, hence we find 
in early times frontier forests, or as the Germans 
called them "Grenzmarken," set aside or designated 
for such purposes and withdrawn from use, and some- 
times additionally fortified by ditches and other 
artificial barriers. Even before the " Grenzmarken " 
of the Germans the forest was used by Greeks, Romans 
and still earlier among Asiatic tribes to designate the 
limit of peoples as well as to serve as a bulwark against 
attacks from invaders. 

Again, the pantheistic ideas of the ancients led to 
consecrating not only trees but groves to certain 
gods: holy groves were frequent among the Greeks 
and Romans, and also among other pagans; the 
Jews, however, were enjoined to eradicate these 
emblems of paganism in the promised land with axe 
and fire, and they did so more or less, removal and 
re-establishment of holy groves varying according 
to the religious sentiment of their rulers. Altogether, 
in Palestine the forests were left to the free and un- 
restricted use of the Israelites. 

14 The Forest of the Ancients. 

Out of religious conceptions and priestly shrewdness 
arose church property in farms and forests among 
the Indian Brahmans, the Ethiopians and Egyptians, 
as also among Greeks and Romans, 

It appears that the oriental kings were exclusive 
owners of all unappropriated or public forests. This 
was certainly the case with the princes of India and 
of Persia, and such ownership can be proved defini- 
tely in many other parts, as in the case of the forests 
of Lebanon, of Cyprus, and of various forest areas 
in Asia Minor. 

That in the Greek republics the forests were mainly 
public property seems to be likely; for Attica, at 
least, this is true without doubt. 

While the first Roman kings seem to have owned 
royal domains, which were distributed among the 
people after the expulsion of the kings, the public 
property which came to the republic as a result of 
conquest was in most cases at once transferred to 
private hands, either for homesteads of colonists, or 
in recognition of services of soldiers and other public 
officers, or to mollify the conquered, or by sale, or for 
rent, not to mention the rights acquired by squatters. 
The rents were usually farmed out to collectors 
(publicani) or to corporations formed of these. Livy, 
however, mentions also State forests in which the 
cutting was regulated, probably by merely reserving 
the ship timber. 

That occasionally single cities and other smaller 
municipal units owned forest properties in common 
seems also established. 

Private forest properties connected with farm 

Restrictions in Forest Use. 15 

estates existed in Ethiopia, in Arabia, among the 
Greeks and among the Romans at home as well as 
in their colonies. Especially pasture woods (saltus) 
connected with small and large estates {latifundia) 
into which probably most forest areas near settlements 
were turned, are frequently mentioned as in private 
ownership; but also other private forests existed. 

The institution of servitudes or rights of user {usiis 
and usus-fructits) and a considerable amount of law 
regarding the conditions under which they were ex- 
ercised and regarding their extinguishment were in 
existence among the Romans in the first centuries of 
the Christian era. 

3. Forest Use. 

Restrictions in the use of woods were not entirely 
absent, but with the exception of reserving ship 
timber in the State forests, they refer only to special 
classes of forest. 

In the frontier forests reserved for defensive pur- 
poses, timber cutting was forbidden. And in the 
holy groves set aside by private or public declaration 
no wood could be cut thereafter, being in the latter 
case considered nobody's property but sanctified 
and dedicated to religious use {res sacra), and who- 
ever removed any wood from them was considered 
a "patricide," except the cutting be done for purposes 
of improvement (thinnings) and after a prescribed 

With the extension of Christendom the holy trees 
and groves became the property of the emperors, 
who sometimes substituted Christian holiness for 

16 The Forest of the Ancients. 

the pagan, and retained the restrictions which had 
preserved them. Thus the cutting and selling of 
cypress and other trees in the holy grove near Antioch, 
and of Persea trees in Egypt generally (which had 
been deemed holy under the Pharaos) was prohibited 
under penalty of five pounds gold, unless a special 
permit had been obtained. 

In Attica as well as in Rome the theory that the 
State cannot satisfactorily carry on any business 
was well established. Hence, the State forests were 
rented out under a system of time rent or a perpetual 
license, the renters after exploiting the timber usually 
subletting the culled woods merely for the pasture, 
except where coppice could be profitably utilized. 
The officials, with titles referring to their connection 
with the woods, as the Roman saltuarii or the Greek 
hyloroi (forestguards) and villici silvarum, the over- 
seers, both grades taken from the slaves, had hardly 
even police functions. 

Forest management proper, i.e., regulated use for 
continuity, except in coppice, seems nowhere to have 
been practiced by the ancients, although arboriculture 
in artificial plantations was well established and 
occasionally even attempts at replacement in forest 
fas)iion 'seem to have been made deliberately. 
Not only were many arboricultural practices of to- 
day well known to them, but also a number of the 
still unsettled controversies in this field were then 
already subjects of discussion. 

The culling system of taking only the most desirable 
kinds, trees and cuts, which until recently has char- 
acterized our American lumbering methods was 

Silvicultural Practice. 17 

naturally the one under which the mixed forest was 
utilized. Fire used in the pasture woods for the same 
purposes as with us effectively prevented reproduc- 
tion in these, and destroyed gradually the remnants of 
old trees. 

Only where for park and hunting purposes some 
care was bestowed upon the woodland, was repro- 
duction purposely attempted, as, for instance, when 
in a hunting park an underwood was to be established 
for game cover. 

The treatment of the coppice and methods of 
sowing and planting were well understood in spite 
of the lack of natural sciences. Whatever forestry 
practice existed was based merely on empirical obser- 
vations and was taught in the books on agriculture 
as a part of farm practice. 

Silviculture was mainly developed in connection 
with the coppice, which was systematically practiced 
for the purpose of growing vineyard stakes, especially 
with chestnut (castanetum) , oak (quercetum), and 
willow (salicetum), while the arbustum denoted the 
plantings of trees for the support of grapes, and in- 
cidentally for the foliage used as cattle feed, still in 
vogue in modern Italy. 

This planting of vine supports was done with sap- 
lings of elm, poplar and some other species; by pol- 
larding and by a well devised system of pruning, these 
were gradually prepared and maintained in proper 
form for their purpose. 

The coppice seems to have been systematically 
managed in Attica as well as in Italy in regular fellings; 
the mild climate producing sprouts and root suckers 

18 The Forest of the Ancients. 

readily without requiring much care, even conifers 
(cypress and fir) reproducing in this manner. 

The oak coppice was managed in 7 year rotation, the 
chestnut in 5 year, and the willow in 3 year rotation. 

Yield and profitableness are discussed, and the 
practice of thinnings is known, but only for the pur- 
pose of removing and using the dead material. 

Forest protection was poorly developed: of insects 
little, of fungi no knowledge existed. Hand-picking 
was applied against caterpillars, also ditches into 
which the beetles were driven and then covered; the 
use of hogs in fighting insects was also known. That 
goats were undesirable in the woods had been observed. 
Some remarkable precocious physiological knowledge 
or rather philosophy existed: it was recognized that 
frost produces drought and that a remedy is to loosen 
the soil, aerating the roots, to drain or water as the case 
might require, and to prune; but also sap letting was 
prescribed. Against hail, dead owls were to be hung 
up; against ants, which were deemed injurious, ashes 
with vinegar were to be applied, or else an ass's heart. 

Curiosities in wood technology were rife and many 
contradictions among the wood sharps existed, as in 
our times. Only four elements, earth, water, fire, 
air, composed all bodies; the more fire in the com- 
position of a wood, the more readily would it decay. 
Spruce, being composed of less earth and water but 
more fire and air, is therefore lighter than oak which, 
mostly composed of earth, is therefore so durable; 
but the latter warps and develops season splits 
because on account of its density it cannot take up 
readily and resists the penetration of moisture. 

Forestry Literature, 19 

Wood impregnation, supposed to be a modern in- 
vention, was already practiced; cedrium (cedar oil) 
being used as well as a tar coating or immersion in 
seawater for one year, to secure greater durability. 

4. Literature. 

As regards literature, we find in Greece, besides 
what can be learned incidentally from the historians 
Herodotus and Xenophon and from the natural history 
of Aristotle, the first work on plant history and wood 
technology, if not forestry, in 18 volumes by Theo- 
phrastus (390-286 B.C.), a pupil of Aristotle and 

Among the Romans, besides a number of historians, 
at least three writers before Christ discussed in detail 
agriculture and, in connection with it, tree culture; 
namely, Ca/o (234-149 B.C.) who wTote an excellent 
work De re rustica, in 162 chapters; Varro (116-26 
B.C.), also De re rustica, in three books; and Ver- 
gilius Maro (70-19 B.C.), who in his Georgica records 
in six books the state of knowledge at that time. Of 
the many writers on these subjects who came in the 
Christian era there are also three to be mentioned, 
namely, Cajus Plinius Major (23-79 A.D.), who in 
his Historia naturalis, in 37 books, discusses also the 
technique of silviculture; Lucius Junius Moderatus 
Columella (about 50 A.D.), with 12 books, De re 
rustica, and one book De arboribus, the former being 
the best work of the ancients on the subject; and 
Palladius, writing about 350 A.D., 13 books, De re 
rustica, which in the original and in translations was 
read until past the middle ages. 

20 The Forest of the Ancients. 

Only a few feferences which exhibit the state of 
knowledge on arboricultural subjects among the 
Romans as shown in this literature may be cited, 
some of which knowledge was also developed in 
Greece and found application, more or less, through- 
out the Roman empire from India to Spain. 

Nursery practice was already well known to Cato, 
while Varro knew, besides sowing and planting, the 
art of grafting and layering, and Columella discusses 
in addition pruning and pollarding (which latter 
was practiced for securing fuelwood), and the pro- 
priety of leaving the pruned trees two years to re- 
cuperate before applying the knife again. 

The method of wintering acorns and chestnuts in 
sand, working them over every 30 days and separat- 
ing the poor seed by floating in water, was known to 
Columella and, indeed, he discusses nursery manage- 
ment with minute detail, even the advantages of 
transplants and of doubly transplanted material. 
The question whether to plant or to sow, the prefer- 
ence of fall or spring planting with distinction for 
different species and localities are matters under his 
consideration; and preference of sowing oak and 
chestnut instead of transplanting is pointed out and 
supported by good reasons. 

PHny, the Humbolt of the ancients, recognizes 
tolerance of different species, the need of different 
treatment for different species, the desirability of 
transplanting to soil and climatic conditions similar 
to those to which the tree was accustomed, and of 
placing the trees as they stood with reference to the 
sun. But, to be sure, he also has many curious 

Forestry Knowledge. 21 

notions, as for instance his counsel to set shallow- 
rooted trees deeper than they stood before, his advice 
not to plant during rain, or windy weather and his 
laying much stress on the phases of the moon as in- 
fluencing results. 

While then the ancients were not entirely without 
silvicultural knowledge, indeed possessed much more 
than is usually credited to them, the need of a forest 
policy and of a systematic forest management in the 
modern sense had not arisen in their time; the mild 
climate reducing the necessity of fuelwood and the 
accessibility by water to sources of supply for naval 
and other construction delaying the need for forest 
production at home. 

There is little doubt, that some of the agricultural 
and silvicultural knowledge and practice of the 
Romans found entrance among the German tribes 
who, especially the Allemanni, came into contact 
with the Romans in their civilized surroundings 
during the fourth century. 


It is generally conceded that both the science and 
art of forestry are most thoroughly developed and 
most intensively applied throughout Germany. It 
must, however, not be understood that perfection 
has been reached anywhere in the practical applica- 
tion of the art, or that the science, which like that 
of medicine has been largely a growth of empiricism, 
is in all parts safely based; nor are definitely settled 
forest policies so entrenched, that they have become 
immutable. On the contrary, there are still mis- 
managed and unmanaged woods to be found, mainly 
those in the hands of farmers and other private 
owners; there are still even in well managed forests 

Besides a dozen or more earlier histories of forestry in Germany, some ot 
which date back to the beginning- of the 19th century, there are two excellent 
modern compilations, namely : 

Geschichte des Waldeigenthums, der Waldivirtschaft und Forstivissenschaft 
in Deutschland, by August Bernhardt, 1872-75, 3 Vols., 1062 pp., a classic, 
which treats especially extensively of political and economic questions having a 
bearing on the development of forestry; and 

Handbuch der Forst — und Jagdgeschichte Deutschlands, hy Adam. Schwap- 
PACH, 1886, 2 Vols., 892 pp., which appeared as a second edition of Bernhardt's 
history, abridging the political history and expanding the forestry part. This 
volume has been mainly followed in the following presentation of the subject. 
In condensed form this history is also to be found in Lorey's Handbuch der 
Forstwissenschaft, 1888. Vol. I, pp. 143-210. 

In Schwappach's history a full list of original sources is enumerated. These 
are, for the oldest period, Roman'writings, which are unreliable ; the laws of the 
various German tribes ; the laws of kings (Capitularia) ; the laws of villages and 
other territorial districts ; " Weisthiimer" (judgments) ; inventories of properties 
(especially of churches and cloisters); documents of business transactions and 
chronicles. For the time after the Middle ages the most important source is 
found in the Forest Ordinances of princes and other forest owners ; forest laws ; 
police orders ; business documents, and finally special literature. 

Statistics and Description. 23 

practices pursued which are known not to conform 
to theoretical ideals, and others which lack a 'sure 
scientific foundation; and while the general policy 
of conservative management and of State interest in 
the same is thoroughly established, the methods of 
attaining the result are neither uniform throughout 
the various States which form the German Federation, 
nor positively settled anywhere. In other words, the 
history of forestry is still, even in this most advanced 
country, in the stage of lively development. 

For the student of forestry the history of its develop- 
ment in Germany is of greatest interest not only be- 
cause his art has reached here the highest and most 
intensive application, but because all the phases of 
development through which other countries have 
passed or else will eventually have to pass are here 
exemplified, and many if not most of the other coun- 
tries of the world have more or less followed German 
example or have been at least influenced by German 
precedent. There is hardly a policy or practice that 
has not at some time in some part been employed in 
the fatherland of forestry. 

One reason for this rich historical background is 
the fact, that Germany has never been a unit, that 
from its earliest history it was broken up into many 
independent and, until modern times, only loosely 
associated units, which developed differently in 
social, political and economic direction. This accounts 
also for the great variety of conditions existing even 
to-day in the 26 principalities which form the German 

Politically, it may be mentioned that out of the 

24 Germany. 

very many independent principalities into which the 
German territory had been divided, variable in 
number from time to time, the 26 which had preserved 
their autonomy formed in 1871 the federation of 
States, known as the German Empire. Each of these 
has its own representative government including the 
forest administration, very much like the state 
governments of the United States; only the army and 
navy, tariff, posts, telegraphs, criminal law and 
foreign policy, and a few other matters are under the 
direct jurisdiction of the empire, represented in the 
Reichstag, the Bundesrath, and the Emperor. 

The 208,830 square miles of territory,* which sup- 
ports a population of about 60 million people, still 
contain a forest area of a round 35 million acres (26% 
of the land area) or. 61 acre per capita, which although 
largely under conservative management has long ago 
ceased to supply by its annual increment (somewhat 
over 50 cubic feet per acre) the needs of the popula- 
tion; the imports during the last 50 years since 1862, 
when Germany began to show excess of imports over 
exports, having grown in volume at the average rate 
of 10% to now round 380 million cubic feet (45 
million dollars) or nearly 15% of the consumption. 

The larger part of Germany, two thirds of the 
territory and population is controlled by modern 
Prussia, with a total forest area of 20 million acres; 
Bavaria comes next with one seventh of the land 
area and 6 million acres of forest ; the five larger states 
of Wurttemberg, Baden, Saxony, Mecklenburg and 
Hesse, occupying together another seventh of the 

* The statistics in this book do not pretend to be more than approximations. 

Statictics and Description. 25 

territory with 5 million acres of forest. The balance 
of the area is divided among the other 19 states. 

Fifty per cent, of Germany roughly speaking, is 
plains country, the larger part in the northern and 
eastern territory of Prussia; 25% is hill country, 
mostly in West and Middle Germany; and 25% is 
mountain country, the larger portion in the southern 

There are at best only five species of timber of 
high economic general importance, the (Scotch) pine 
which covers large areas in the northern sandy plain 
and the Hghter soils in the south ; the (Norway) spruce 
and (Silver) fir which form forests in the southwestern 
and other mountain regions and represent, in mixture 
with broadleaf forest, a goodly proportion in the north- 
eastern lowlands; the (English) oak, of which botani- 
cally two species are recognized; and the beech. 
The last two are the most important hardwoods 
found throughout the empire, but especially highly 
developed in the west and southwest. In addition, 
there are half a dozen species of minor or more local 
importance, but the five mentioned form the basis 
of the forestry systems. 

The history of the development of forestry in Ger- 
many may be divided into periods variously. Bern- 
hardt recognizes six periods; Schwappach makes four 
divisions, namely, the first, from the earliest times 
to the end of the Carlovingians (911), which is occupied 
mainly with the development of forest property con- 
ditions; the second, to the end of the Middle Ages 
(1500), during which the necessity of forest manage- 

26 Germany. 

ment begins to be sporadically recognized; the third, 
to the end of the 18th century, during which the 
foundation for the development of all branches of 
forestry is laid; the fourth, the modern period, accom- 
plishing the complete establishment of forestry 
methods in all parts of Germany, For the later 
historian it would be proper to recognize a fifth 
period from about 1863, when, by the establishment 
of experiment stations, a breaking away from the 
merely empiric basis to a more scientific foundation 
of forestry practice was begun. 

For our purposes we shall be satisfied with a division 
into three periods, namely: first, to the end of the 
middle ages, when, with the discoveries of America 
and other new countries, an enlargement of the world's 
horizon gave rise to a change of economic conditions; 
second, to the end of the eighteenth century, when 
change of political and economic thought altered the 
relation of peoples and countries; third, the modern 
period, which exhibits the practical fruition of these 

I. From Earliest Times to End of Middle Ages. 

Many of the present conditions, especially those 
of ownership, as well as the progress in the develop- 
ment both of forest policy and of forest management, 
•can be understood only with some knowledge of the 
early history of the settlement of the country.* 

As is well known, Aryan tribes from central Asia 

* FELIX DAHN, Urgeschichte der gcrmam'schen itiid romanischen Volker, 

Settlement of Country. 27 

had more than a thousand years before Christ begun 
to overrun the country. These belonged to the Keltic 
(Celtic) or Gaelic race which had gradually come to 
occupy partly or wholly, France, Spain, northern 
Italy, the western part of Germany and the British 
Islands. They were followed by the Germani (sup- 
posedly a Celtic word meaning neighbor or brother), 
also Aryan tribes, who appeared at the Black Sea 
about 1000 B.C., in Switzerland and Belgium about 
100 B.C. These were followed by the Slovenes, 
Slovaks, or Wends, crowding on behind, disputing 
and taking possession of the lands left free by, or 
conquered from the Germani. Through these migra- 
tions, by about 400 A.D., the whole of Western 
Europe seems to have been fully peopled with these 
tribes of hunters and herders. The mixture of the 
different elements of victors and vanquished led to 
differentiation into three classes of people, economi- 
cally and politically speaking, namely the free, the 
unfree (serfs or slaves), and the freedmen — an im- 
portant distinction in the development of property 

1. Development of Property Conditions. 

The German tribes who remained conquerors were 
composed of the different groups of Franks, Saxons, 
Thuringians, Bajuvarians, Burgundians, etc., each 
composed of families aggregated into communal 
hordes with an elected Duke {dux, Herzog, Graf, 
Fiirst), organized for war, each in itself a socialistic 
and economic organization known as Mark, owning 
a territory in common, the members or Markgenossen 

28 Germany. 

forming a republic. Outside of house, yard and 
garden, there was no private property; the land sur- 
rounding the settlement, known as Allmende, (com- 
mons) was owned in common, but assigned in parcels 
to each family for field use, the assignment first 
changing from year to year, then becoming fixed. 
The outl^dng woods, known as the Marca or Grenz- 
wald, forming debatable ground with the neighboring 
tribes, were used in common for hunting, pasturing, 
fattening of hogs by the oak mast, and for other such 
purposes, rather than for the wood of which little 
was needed. In return for the assignment of the fields, 
the free men, who alone were fully recognized citizens 
of the community, had to fulfil the duties of citizens 
and especially of war service. 

Only gradually, by partition, immigration and 
uneven numerical development, was the original Mark 
or differentiation into family associations destroyed 
and a more heterogeneous association of neighbors 
substituted. At the same time, inequality of owner- 
ship arose especially from the fact that those who 
owned a larger number of slaves (the conquered race) 
had the advantage in being able to clear and cultivate 
more readily new and rough forest ground. Those 
without slaves would seek assistance from those more 
favored, exchanging for rent or service their rights to 
the use of land; out of this relationship a certain 
vassalage and inequality of political rights developed. 

Under the influence of Roman doctrine, a new 
aspect regarding newly conquered territory gained 
recognition, by which the Dukes as representatives 
of the community laid claim to all unseated or un- 

Property Conditions, 29 

appropriated land; they then distributed to their 
followers or donated to the newly established church 
portions of this land, so that by the year 900 A.D., 
a complete change in property relations had been 
effected. By that time the large baronial estates of 
private owners had come into existence which were 
of such great significance in the economic history of 
the Middle Ages, changing considerably the status of 
the free men, and changing the free mark societies 
into communities under the dominion of the barons. 

The first real king, who did not, however, assume 
the title, was Clovis, a Duke of the Franks, who had 
occupied the lower Rhine country. About 500 A.D., 
picking a quarrel with his neighbors, the Allemanni, 
he subdued them and aggrandized himself by taking 
their Mark. In this way he laid the foundation for 
a kingdom which he extended by conquest mainly 
to the westward, but also by strategy to the eastward, 
the warlike tribes of Saxons and other Germans con- 
ceding in a manner the leadership of the Franks. 

A real kingdom, however, did not arise until Charle- 
m.agne, in 772, became the ruler, extending his govern- 
ment far to the East. 

At times, the kingdom was divided into the western 
Neustria, and the eastern Austria, and then again 
united, but it was only when the dynasty of Charle- 
magne became extent with the death of Louis the 
Child (911), that the final separation of from France 
was effected, and Germany became a separate king- 
dom, the eastern tribes between the Rhine and Elbe 
choosing their own king, Conrad, Duke of Franconia. 
There were then five tribes or nations, each under its 

30 Germany. 

own Duke and its own laws, comprising this new 
kingdom, nam.ely the Franks, Suabians, Bavarians, 
Saxons on the right, and the Lorainers on the left 
bank of the Rhine, while the country East of the Elbe 
river was mostly occupied by Slovenians. 

With Clovis began the new order of things which 
was signalized by the aggrandizement of kings, dukes 
and barons. 

In addition to the rule regarding the ownership of 
unseated lands there developed, also under Roman 
law doctrine, the conception of seignorial right, 
i.e., the power of the king to jurisdiction over his 
property. This right, first claimed by the duke or 
king for himself, is then transferred with the territory 
given to his friends and vassals, who thereby secure 
for themselves his powers and jurisdiction, immunity 
from taxes and from other duties, as well as the right 
to exact taxes and services from others, the favored 
growing into independent knights and barons. 

The forest, then, originally was communal property 
and the feeling of this ownership in common remains 
even to the present day. Indeed, actually it remained 
in most cases so until the 13th century, although the 
changes noted had their origin in the 7th century 
when the kings began to assert their rights of princely 

In these earlier ages, the main use of the forests 
was for the hunt, the mast and the pasture, and since 
wood was relatively plentiful, forest destruction was 
the rule. Those who became possessed of larger pro- 
perties through the causes mentioned tried to secure 

Ban Forests. 31 

an increased value of their possessions by colonization, 
in which especially the slaves or serfs were utilized. 
These often became freedmen, paying rent in product 
or labor, and acquiring the rights of usufruct in the 
property, out of which developed the so-called servi- 
tudes or rights of user, the praedium of the Romans, 
a limited right to use the property of another. 

With the development of private property there 
naturally also developed the right of preventing the 
hunting on such lands, this being then their main use. 
This exclusive right to the chase or hunt we find recog- 
nized as a part of the property of the kings and barons 
in the 8th century, when the kings forbade trespass 
under penalty of severe fines; the king's han (inter- 
diction) of 60 shillings being imposed upon the tres- 
passers. Indeed, by the end of the 8th century the 
word Forst {voorst — foresta) which until then had 
been used merely to denote the king's property was 
exclusively used to designate not necessarily wood- 
land (the latter being referred to as silva or nemtis), 
but any territory in which the hunt had been reserved. 

This right to reserve the chase and the fishing, that 
is, to establish banforests was in the 10th century ex- 
tended by the kings to territory not belonging to them, 
the right to the chase being according to the Roman 
doctrine a regal right over any property. Under this 
conception fields and pastures, woods and waters, 
and whole villages with their inhabitants became 
"inforested" grounds. The Norman kings, imbued 
with a passion for the chase, exercised this right 
widely, especially in England; the forests of Dean, 
Epping and the New Forest being such inforested 


32 Germany. 

territories, the inhabitants of which were placed under 
special "forest laws," and adjudged by special "forest 

Presently the king's right of ban was granted with 
the land grants to his barons and to the clergy. Ban- 
forests also grew up through owners of properties 
placing themselves and their possessions under the 
protection of kings or bishops or other powerful 
barons and giving in exchange this hunting right, 
and in various other ways. At the same time the 
headmen of the Mark (Obermdrker, Graf, Waldgraf), 
who from being elected officers of the people had 
become officials of the king, began to exercise, by 
virtue of their office, the jurisdiction of the king, and 
declaring the ban for their own or their friends' benefit, 
excluded the Marker from their ancient right to hunt 
and fish freely over the territory of the Mark. 

While in this way the freedom of the communal 
owners was undermined, the institution of banforests 
had nevertheless its value in that it led to forest pro- 
tection, restriction in forest use and restriction in 
clearing, all this, to be sure, merely for the benefit of 
the chase. Special officers to guard the rights of the 
king, forestarii, chosen from the free and freedmen, 
and also superior officers, forestmasters, were instituted, 
to administer the chase and enforce the restrictions 
which went with it. 

Gradually, with the loss of property rights, there 
came also a change in the political rights of the marker 
or commoners, through the large barons interfering 
with self-government, assuming for themselves the 
position of Obermarker, appointing the officials, and 

Feudal System. 33 

issuing strict forest ordinances to regulate the cutting 
of wood; finally, the original right which belonged to 
every commoner of supplying himself with wood 
material, became dependent upon permission in each 
case, and thus his title to ownership became doubtful. 
Undoubtedly also through the influence of Roman 
institutions with which the Franks under their 
Merovingian kings came into close contact, there 
arose that social and political institution which be- 
came finally known as the feudal system. By the grants 
of lands which the kings made out of their estates to 
their kinsmen and followers with the understanding 
that they would be faithful and render service to their 
masters, a peculiar relationship grew up, based on 
land tenure, the land so granted being called a fief or 
feud, and the relationship being called vassality or 
vassalage. This vassalage denoted the personal tie 
between the grantor and grantee, the lord and the 
vassal; the lord having the obligation to defend the 
vassal, and the vassal to be a faithful foUov/er of his 
lord. Similar relationship arose from the surrender 
by landowners of their estates to the church or to 
other powerful barons, to be received back again as 
fiefs and to be held by them as tenants in exchange 
for rent or service. In this way a complete organiza- 
tion of society developed in which, from the king 
down to the lowest landowner, all were bound together 
by obligation of service and defence, both the defence 
and service being regulated by the nature and extent 
of the fief. Finally, all kinds of property of what- 
ever nature, as well as official positions which would 
give an income, were subject to be treated as fiefs. 

34 Germany. 

The obligations of the recipient were of various 
nature, but finally service in army or court became 
the main one, giving rise to the class of knights 
(Ritter) or barons, while the fiefs to the small farmer 
gave rise to the class of peasants (Bauern, this name 
appearing first in 1106 under Conrad II). 

The fiefs of the higher class, while at first given 
only to the individual, became early hereditary, and 
hereditary succession to estates and offices generally 
became the rule. Primogeniture in the succession to 
the estates did then not as in England prevail in 
Germany; instead, either tenancy in common, or else 
equal division among the sons was practised. As a 
result the very many small principalities came into 
existence in the 14th and 15th centuries, these grow- 
ing smaller and smaller by subdivision. The first to 
institute the primogeniture rule by law was the 
house of Brandenburg (in the 15th century). 

In addition to the class of peasants and knights, 
there came into existence a third class, the burghers, 
when, by the order of Conrad I in the beginning of 
the 10th century, towns were built with walls and 
towers for defence against the encroachments of the 
Huns, who endangered the eastern frontier Mark. In 
order to encourage the settlement of these towns, any 
slave moving to town was declared a freeman; and 
the cities became free republics; gifts of land, in- 
cluding forest areas, were made to the cities, and the 
development of industries was encouraged in every 
way. These cities, favored by the kings, and, having 
become rich and powerful, in the later quarrels of 
the kings with the lawless nobility, gave loyal support 

Cities and Colonization. 35 

with money and arms. In return for their loans, the 
forest properties of the kings were often mortgaged 
to the burghers; and, failing of redemption, were 
often forfeited to them. In this way and through 
purchases the city forests came into existence. 

Still other property conditions arose when, under 
Otto the Great (960), colonization of the eastern 
country beyond the Elbe was pushed. In these cases, 
the Mark institution was absent, although the colon- 
ists did often become part owners in the king's forest, 
or acquired parts of it as common property, or else 
secured rights of user in the nearest royal forest. 

By the end of the period, due to these various de- 
velopments, a great variety of property conditions 
in forest areas had developed, most of which continue 
to the present time, namely royal properties, which 
by the end of the eighteenth century and the begin- 
ning of the nineteenth were in part to become state 
property; princely and lordly possessions under 
separate jurisdiction, with or without entail, and 
mostly encumbered with rights of user; allodial 
possessions (held independent of rent or service); 
municipal possessions owned by city corporations; 
communal properties, the remnants of the Mark; 
and farmers' woodlots (Bauernwald), resulting from 
partitions of the Mark. 

All these changes from the original communal pro- 
perty conditions did not, of course, take place without 
friction, the opposition often taking shape in peasants' 
revolts; hundreds of thousands of these being killed 
in their attempts to preserve their commons, forests 
and waters free to all, to re-establish their liberty to 

36 Germany. 

hunt, fish and cut wood, and to aboHsh tithes, serfdom 
and duties. 

2. Forest Treatment. 

As stated, the German tribes which settled the 
country were herders and hunters, who only gradu- 
ally developed into farmers while the country was 
being settled. At first, therefore, as far as the forest 
did not need to give way to farm lands, its main use 
was in the exercise of the chase and for pasture, and 
especially for the raising and fattening of hogs; the 
number of hogs which could be driven into a forest 
serving as an expression of the size of such a forest. 
Oak and beech furnishing the mast were considered 
the preferable species. It is natural, therefore, that, 
wood being plentiful and the common property of 
all, the first regulation of forest use had reference to 
these, now minor benefits of forest property, as for 
instance the prohibition of cutting mast trees, which 
was enforced in early times. The first extensive 
regulation of forest use came however, from the exer- 
cise of the royal right of the ban and merely for the 
avowed purpose of protecting the chase. 

Real forest management, however, did not exist, 
the forestarii mentioned in these early times being 
nothing but policemen guarding the hunting rights of 
the kings or other owners. The conception that wood 
on the stump was of the same nature as other property 
and its removal theft had not yet become established : 
'^ quia 7ion res possessa sed de ligno agitur'' (wood not 
being a possessed thing), a conception which still per- 
vades the laws of modern times to some extent. 

Forest Treatment. 37 

The necessity of clearing farm lands for the growing 
population continued, even in the western, more 
densely populated sections, into the 12th and 13th 
centuries. The cloisters were especially active in 
colonizing and making farm land with the use of axe 
and fire, such cloisters being often founded as mere 
land speculations. Squatters, as with us, were a 
frequent class of colonists, and in eastern Prussia 
continued even into the 17th and 18th centuries 
to appropriate forest land without regard to property 

The disturbed ownership conditions, which we have 
traced, led also often to wasteful slashing, especially 
in the western territory, while colonization among 
the Slavs of the Eastern sections led to similar results. 
In the 12th century, however, here and there appear 
the first signs of greater necessity for regulating and 
restricting forest use in the Mark forest ,and for im- 
provement in forest conditions with the purpose of 
insuring wood supplies. 

In that century, division of the Mark forest begins 
for the alleged reason that individual ownership 
would lead to better management and less devasta- 
tion. In the 12th and 13th centuries also, stricter 
order in the fellings and in forest use was insisted 
upon in many places. In the forest ordinances of 
the princes and barons, which, of course, have always 
reference to limited localities, we find prescriptions 
like the following: The amount to be cut is to be 
limited to the exact needs of each family and the 
proper use of the wood is to be inspected; the timber 
is to be marked, must be cut in a given time and be 

38 Germany. 

removed at once; only dry wood is to be used for 
fuel and the place and time for gathering it is specially 
designated, similar to the present practice. The best 
oak and beech are to be preserved (this, however, 
merely with reference to the mast), and in the Alps 
we find already provisions to reserve larch and pine. 
The charcoal industry is favored (because of easier 
transportation of its product), but permitted only 
under special precautions. Bark peeling and burning 
for potash is forbidden. The pasture is regulated 
with regard to the young growth, and sheep and 
goats are excluded. 

Such measures are, to be sure, found only here and 
there where local conditions gave rise to a fear of a 
timber famine; such communities may also be found 
making attempts to protect themselves against re- 
duction of home supplies by forbidding the export 
of wood from their territory. An amusing restriction 
of this kind is found at Altenstadt where the bakers 
were forbidden to bake bread for any but the citizens 
of the town. 

The first ordinance prohibiting for clearings is 
found at Lorsch in the Rhenish country in 1165, and 
other ordinances with such prohibition are on record 
in other parts in the 13th century. In 1237, at 
Salzburg, clearings were prohibited in the interest 
of the salt mines, "so that the cut forest may grow 
up to wood again," and also in other parts where 
mining interests made a special demand for props or 
charcoal the regulation of forest use was begun early. 

The difficulties of transportation in the absence of 
roads rendered local supply of more importance than 

First Plantings. 39 

at present, and this accounts for the early measures 
to secure more economical use while distant woods 
were still plentiful but unavailable. 

While in the 12th and 13th centuries a merely re- 
strictive and regulative, or else a let-alone policy, 
"allowing the wood to grow up," prevailed, we find 
in the 14th century the first beginnings of an attempt 
at forest extension or recuperation. 

In 1309, Henry VII ordered the reforestation of a 
certain stripped area by sowing. Of the execution 
of this order we have no record, but the first actually 
executed plantation on record is that by the cit}' of 
Nuremberg, in 1368, where several hundred acres of 
burned area were sowed with pine, spruce and fir; 
and there is also a record that in 1449 this crop was 
harvested. In 1420, the city of Frankfort on the 
Main followed this example, relying on the Nurem- 
berg seed dealer, whose correspondence is extant and 
who was invited to go to Frankfort for advice how 
to proceed. He sowed densely in order to secure clear 
boles, but expressed the opinion that the plants could 
not be transplanted; he also relied on the phases of 
the moon for his operations. 

The planting of hardwoods seems to have been 
begun much later; the first reference to it coming 
from the cloister and city of Seligenstadt, which agreed 
in 1491 to reforest annually 20 to 30 acres with oak. 

Natural regeneration by coppice was in quite 
general practice and proved satisfactory enough for 
fuelwood production. The system of coppice with 
standards was also frequently practised, the standards, 
30 or 30 to the acre, being "reserved for the lord." 

40 Germany. 

In the timber forest, the unregulated selection 
system was continued generally through the period, 
although in 1454 we find in the Harz Mountains a 
transition to a seed tree management, a few seed 
trees or groups of seed trees being left on the other- 
wise cleared area, somewhat in the manner of the 
French methode a tire et-aire. Toward the end of the 
15th century we find here and there a distinction 
made between timber forest, where no firewood is to 
be cut, and "leaf forest" which is to serve the latter 
purpose, and is to be treated as coppice. 

Toward the end of the period we find, however, 
various provisions which are unquestionably dictated 
by the fear of a scarcity of timber. The discovery that 
pasture prevents natural regeneration led to a pro- 
hibition of pasturing in the newly cut felling areas. 
In 1488, we find already a diameter limit of 12 inches 
— just as is being advocated in the United States now 
— as a basis for conservative exploitation, the city 
of Brunswick buying stumpage, and in the contract 
being limited to this diameter, and in addition obli- 
gated to leave 15 oaks or aspen per acre for seed 

Attempts at regulating the use of a given forest 
by division into felling areas are recorded in 1359, 
when the city forest of Erfurt, 286 acres, was divided 
into seven felling areas. It is questionable whether 
this referred to a coppice with short rotation or 
whether a selection forest with seven periodic areas 
is meant. 

We see, then, that the first sporadic and, to be sure, 
crude beginnings of a forest management in Germany 

Second Period, 41 

may be traced back to the 14th and 15th centuries; 
but it took at least 250 to 350 years before such 
management became general. 

Outside of the information found scattered in forest 
ordinances, instructions and prescriptions of various 
kinds there is no forestry literature to be recorded 
from this period except one single book, published 
about the year 1300, by an Italian, Petrus de Cres- 
centiis, which was translated into German. It was 
merely a scholastic compilation on agriculture and 
allied subjects, mostly cribbed from old Roman 
writers and without value for German conditions. 

II. First Development of Forestry Methods. 
(Period 1500 to 1800.) 

The period following the middle ages marks the 
gradual changes from the feudal system to the 
modern State organizations and to considerable 
change of ownership conditions and forest treatment. 
Various causes which led to an increased develop- 
ment of industrial life were also instrumental in 
hastening the progress of forest destruction. At the 
same time, during this period the germs and embryonic 
beginnings of every branch of forestry, real forestry 
policy, forestry practice and forestry science are to 
be noted. By the end of this period, preparatory 
to more modern conditions, we find organized 
technical forest administrations, well developed 
methods of silviculture and systems of forest 

42 Germany. 

1. Development of Forest Property Conditions. 

A number of changes in the conceptions of political 
relations, in methods of life and of political economy 
brought further changes in property conditions on the 
same lines as those prevailing in the 14th and 15th 
centuries. These changes were especially influenced 
by the spread of Roman law doctrine regarding the 
rights of the governing classes; by the growth of the 
cities, favoring industrial development and changing 
methods of life; by the change from barter to money 
management, favored by the discovery of America, 
by other world movements, and by the resulting 
changes in economic theory. 

Through the discovery of the new world and the 
influx of gold and silver that came with it gave im- 
petus to industry and commerce of the cities; the 
rapid increase of money capital increased extrava- 
gance and induced a desire for amassing wealth, which 
changed modes of life, changed policies and systems 
of political economy. 

The fiscal policy of the many little principahties 
was dominated by a desire to get a good balance of 
trade by fostering exports of manufactures, but for- 
bidding exports of raw materials like forest products, 
also by forbidding imports, subsidizing industries, 
fixing prices by law, and taking in general an inimical 
attitude towards outsiders except in so far as they 
sent gold and silver into the country. 

This so-called mercantilistic system, which saw 
wealth not in labor and its products but in horded 
gold and silver, had also full sway in England under 

Decadence of the Mark. 43 

Cromwell, and in France under Colbert's influence. 
This fiscal policy, which was bent upon bringing cash 
into the country, led, under the direction of servile 
officials, to oppressive measures. A reaction naturally 
followed, when it was pointed out that the real wealth 
of a nation lies in its natural resources and in its 
labor. But this so-called physiocratic doctrine had 
little practical influence except to prepare men's 
minds for the reception of the teachings of Adam 
Smith at the end of the period. 

The doctrine of the Roman law, deified by the 
jurists and commentators, undermined the national 
conceptions and institutions of free citizenship and 
of existing property relations; courts, legislation and 
administration were subject to their sway, and this 
influence lasted, in spite of reactions, until the end 
of the 18th century. Under it the doctrine of the 
imperiiim — the seignorage or superior power of the 
princes (Hoheitsrecht) — was further developed into 
the dominium terrae, i.e., superior ownership of all 
the land, which gives rise to the title and the exercise 
of the function of '' Landesherren,'' masters of the 
land, and confers the privilege of curtailing and even 
discontinuing private property rights. To sustain 
their position in each of the state units, a restriction 
of the autonomy of churches and cloisters, of the 
Mark and of the vassals became needful to the 
princes. This was secured by taking the first under 
their protection, by making themselves Obermarkers, 
and by changing vassals who held office in fief into 
employes (Beamte). For a time the three privileged 
classes of prelates, knights and burghers, combined 

44 Germany. 

in the Landstand or Landtag, participated in some of 
the functions of government, especially in raising and 
administering taxes, but by the second half of the 14th 
century the princes had become absolute, and the 
doctrine of the Hoheitsrecht was firmly estabhshed. 

Under this doctrine, the historic position of the 
Mark is perverted and instead of being the common 
property of the people, it becomes the property of 
the prince, on which he graciously permits the usu- 
fruct; for, forest, pasture and water (Wald, Weide, 
Wasser) are res publicae, hence ownerless and at the 
disposal of the king. Through this new construction 
of relationship, as well as through the same machi- 
nations and tricks which the princes as Obermaerker 
or headmen of the Mark had employed during the 
foregoing period in usurping power, and partly through 
voluntary dissolution was the decadence of the social, 
economic and political organization of the Mark 
gradually completed. 

The original usufruct of a property held in common 
is explained in the Roman sense as a precarium or 
servitude, and from being a right of the whole organiz- 
ation becomes a right of the single individual or group 
of individuals. In this way the socialistic basis of the 
Mark is destroyed. Through the exercise of the 
Forsthoheit, i.e., the superior right of the prince over 
all forest property, by the appointment of the officials 
instead of their election, by issuance of ordinances, 
in short, by the usurpation of the legislative and police 
power, the political power of the Mark is broken and 
the Thirty Years' War completes the breakdown; 
the pride of the burgher and the peasant is gone, their 

Changes in Property. 45 

autonomy destroyed and their economic and political 
organizations sink into mere corporations based on 
land tenure, which, according to Roman doctrine 
come under the regulation of the State or Prince. 

The nobility move into the cities and leave the 
administration of their estates to officials who are 
constantly pressed to furnish the means for the ex- 
travagant life of their masters. These in turn harass 
and oppress the peasantry, who finally become bonds- 
men, Gutshorige (bound to the glebe) and lose their 
independence entirely. These, briefly, are the steps 
by which the changes, social and economic, progressed. 

Reforms in this situation of the peasantry began 
first in Prussia in 1702, when bondage was abolished 
for all those who could purchase their houses and 
farms from the gentry. As few had the means to do 
so, the result was the creation of a proletariat, hitherto 
unknown because under the old feudal system the 
lord had to feed his impoverished bondsmen from 
which he was now absolved. 

Changes in forest property in particular were brought 
about by the increase of princely property through 
the various methods of exercising the seignorage. 
Especially after the Thirty Years' War ownerless 
tracts falling under this right were plentiful. In 
addition, wherever waste lands grew up to wood, 
they were claimed by the princes: 
''Wenn das Holz dem Ritter reicht an den Sporn 

Hat der Bauer sein Recht verlorn." 

When wood has grown up to the spur of the knight, 
the peasant has lost his right. 

46 Germany. 

Some additions came from the secularization of 
church and cloister property, and others by the slices 
which the princes as Obermarker secured from the 
Mark forests by various artifices. It is these proper- 
ties, which in Prussia were turned over by the King 
to the State in 1713, and by other princes, not 
until the 19th century. 

The same means which the princes employed were 
used by the landed gentry to increase their holdings 
especially at the expense of the Mark from which in 
their capacity of Obermarker they secured portions 
by force or intrigue. 

The peasants' forest property — the Mark forest — 
had by the 19th century been almost entirely dis- 
membered, part having come into the hands of the 
princes and barons, part having been divided among 
the Marker, and part having become corporation 
forest in the modern sense. 

Partition had become desirable when the restric- 
tions of use which were ordered for the good of 
the forest became unendurable under the rigid 
rule of appointed officials, but the expected im- 
provement in management which was looked for 
from partition and private ownership was never 

After the Thirty Years' War the free cities were 
impoverished and their autonomy undermined by 
Roman doctrine. From free republics they became 
mere corporations under the supervision of appointed 
officials, and experienced decadence in political as 
well as material directions. Hence, no increase in 
city forest took place except through division of the 

Forest Conditions. 47 

Mark forest in which cities had been co-owners, and 
through secularized properties of cloisters. 

The worst feature, from the standpoint of forest 
treatment, which resulted from these changes in 
property conditions and relationship, was the grov/th 
of the pernicious servitudes or rights of user, which 
were either conferred to propitiate the powerless but 
dangerous peasantry, or evolved out of the feudal 
relations. From the 16th to the 19th centuries these 
servitudes grew to such an extent that in almost 
every forest some one outside of the owner had the 
right to use parts of it, either the pasture, or the litter, 
or certain classes or sizes of wood. 

These rights have proved the greatest impediment 
to the progress of forestry until most recent times, 
and only within the last few decades have the majority 
of them been extinguished by legal process or com- 

2. Forest Conditions. 

Under the exercise of these various rights and the 
uncertainty of property conditions, the forest con- 
ditions naturally deteriorated continuously until the 
end of the 18th century; the virgin woods were culled 
of their wealth and then grew up to brush, as is usual 
in the United States. 

Every forest ordinance began with complaints re- 
garding the increasing forest devastation, and pre- 
dicted a timber famine in view of the increasing 
population, increasing industry and commerce, and 
hence increased wood consumption. Especially along 
the water routes, which furnished the means of 

48 Germany. 

transportation, the available supplies were ruthlessly 
exploited. More serious enemies than the exploita- 
tion of the timber proved the pasturing of cattle, the 
removal of the litter, and above all, the fires. 

Towards the end of the 16th century, ordinances 
against forest fires began to be enacted; yet, as late 
as 1778, the necessity of keeping the rides or fire lanes 
open in the forests of Eastern Prussia is justified by 
the statement that "otherwise the still constantly 
recurring fires could not be checked." At another 
place it is stated that "not a single acre of forest 
could be found in the province that had not been 
burnt in former or later times," and that "the people 
are still too much accustomed to the ruthless use of 
fires, so that no punishment can stop them." 

Other causes of devastation were the Thirty Years' 
War, the wars of the 18th century, and the loss of 
interest in the forest by the peasants after the collapse 
of the Mark. These had often to steal what they 
needed, and their depredations were increased by 
the desire to revenge themselves on the landed pro- 
prietors for the oppressions to which they were sub- 
jected. The increase in game, which was fostered 
by the landed gentry, did much damage to the young 
growths, and the increase in the living expenses of 
the nobility who mostly abandoned country for town 
had to be met by increased exploitation. 

By the end of the middle ages the reduction of 
forest area had proceeded so far that it was generally 
believed desirable to restrict the making of clearings 
to exceptional necessities, except in the northeastern 
parts and in the distant mountain districts. 

Restriction in Forest Use. 49 

Yet a growing population increased the need for 
farm land, and since intensive use of the existing 
farm area was not attempted until the end of the 
18th century, the forest had to yield still further. 

3. Methods of Restriction in Forest Use. 

All ordinances issued by the princes to regulate the 
management of their properties contain the prescrip- 
tion, that permission of the Landesherr is necessary for 
clearings, and that abandoned fields growing up to 
wood are to be kept as woodland; this partly for 
timber needs, partly for considerations of the chase. 
Still, Frederick the Great in colonizing East Prussia, 
expressed himself to the effect that he cared more for 
men than for wood, and enjoined his officials to colon- 
ize especially the woods far from water, which entailed 
even more waste of wood than where means of trans- 
portation allowed at least partial marketing. 

Improvident clearings proceeded even under his 
reign on the Frische Nehrung between Danzig and 
Pillau, and started the shifting sands of that peninsula. 

In the absence of all knowledge as regards the ex- 
tent of existing supplies or of the increment, and with 
poor means of transportation, at least local distress 
was imminent. 

To stave off a threatening timber scarcity, regula- 
tion in the use of wood was attempted by the forest 
ordinances, even to the extent of forbidding the 
hanging out of green brush to designate a drinking 
hall, or the cutting of May trees, — similar to our 
crusade in the United States against the use of Christ- 
mas trees. A diameter limit to which trees might be 


50 Germany. 

permitted to be cut, was also frequently urged. 
Regulation of forest use did not confine itself to the 
princely properties alone, but, in the interest of the 
whole, the restrictions were extended to all owners. 
These restrictions were directed either to the practice 
in the exploitation of the forest or in the use of the 
material. In the latter direction the attempts at re- 
ducing the consumption of building timber are of 
special interest. Building inspectors were to approve 
building plans and inspect buildings to see that they 
were most economiically constructed; that repairs 
were made promptly, to avoid the necessity of more 
extensive ones; that new buildings replacing old ones 
were not built higher than the old ones. In Saxony, 
as early as 1560, it was ordered that the whole house 
must be built of stone, while elsewhere, the building 
of stone base walls and the use of brick roofs instead 
of shingles was insisted upon. 

Even the number of houses in any community was 
restricted. Fences were to be supplanted by hedges 
and ditches. Economies in charcoal burning, in 
potash manufacture for glass works, and in the 
turpentine industry were prescribed, and about 1600, 
the burning of potash for fertilizer was forbidden 
entirely; but these laws proved unavailing. Even in 
fuel-wood a saving was to be effected by using only 
the poorer woods and windfalls, by instituting public 
bake ovens (still in use in Westphalia), by improv- 
ing stoves, restricting the number of bathing 
rooms, etc. 

The consumption of fuelwood seems to have been 
enormous, for we find record of 200 cords used by 

Regulation of Wood. Use, and Trade. 51 

one family in a year and of 1,200 cords or more used 
by the Court at Weimar during the same time. 

The substitution of turf and coal for firewood was 
ordered in some sections in 1697 and again in 1777, 
but practically not until 1780 did coal come in as a 
substitute. Tanbark peeling was also forbidden, or 
only the use of bark of trees soon to be felled was 
allowed. For cooperage only the top-dry oak; for 
coffins only soft-wood, or, according to Joseph II of 
Austria, no wood, but black cloth was to be used. 
In some parts of the country the use of oak was 
restricted, even as early as 1562. 

For regulating practices in the forest the restric- 
tions often took only the general form of forbidding 
devastation, without specifying what that meant. 

Then, besides establishing a diameter limit, and 
regulating pasture in order to protect young growth, 
excluding sheep and goats entirely, an attempt was 
made to secure at least orderly procedure in the fellings. 
Foresters were to designate what was to be cut even 
for firewood. Marking irons and hammers were 
employed for this purpose by the middle of the 15th 
century (usually two markings, by forester and by 
inspector to check). And this designation by officials 
extended even into the private forest, where finally 
no felling was allowed without previous permission 
and designation by a forester. 

The use of the litter by the small farmers had 
grown to a large extent in these times and it was 
thought desirable to stop it, but this aid to the poor 
peasant was so necessary that only regulating the 
gathering of it could be insisted upon. 

52 Germany. 

It must be understood that all these various attempts 
at securing a conservative forest use were by no means 
general but refer to circumscribed territory, and 
much of it was only paper legislation without securing 
actual practice. 

4. Development of Forest Policy. 

With the beginning of the 18th century we find, 
besides these prescriptions against wasteful use, and 
ordinances regulating the management of the pro- 
perties of the princes, definite forest policies in some 
sections, having in view forest preservation and im- 
provement of forest conditions, and also means of 
providing wood at moderate prices. 

Between the years 1515 and 1590, most of the 
German States had already enacted ordinances 
which had the force of general law exercising police 
functions over private forest property, although in 
Prussia this general legislation did not occur until 
1720. The objects in view with this legislation were 
entirely of a material kind: the conservation of re- 
sources. Besides securing the rights of the Landesherr 
to the chase, it was to secure a conservative use of 
the princely as well as private forests, since devasta- 
tion of the latter would require the former to be 
drawn on extravagantly; it was to stave off a timber 
famine, and in certain localities to assure particu- 
larly the mining industry of their wood supplies. 
There were, however, concessions made to the privi- 
leged and influential classes of forest owners. 

By the end of the 18th century, this forest police, 
owing to the uncontrolled harshness and the grafting 

Government Supervision. 53 

practices of the lower officials had become the most 
hated and distasteful part of the administration. 

The argument of the protective influence of forest 
cover did not enter into this legislation; this argu- 
ment belongs to the 19th century. 

Yet reboisement of torrents had already in 1788, 
been recognized as a proper public measure in German 
Austria, although active work in that direction was 
not begun until nearly a century later. 

The rise of prices during the 17th and 18th cen- 
turies had been very considerable, doubling, trebling 
and even quadrupling in the first half of the 18th 
century. The mercantilistic doctrines of the time 
led, therefore, to attempts to keep prices low by pre- 
scribing rates for wood and in general by restricting 
and regulating wood commerce. 

This was done especially by interdicting sale to 
outsiders, forbidding export from the small territory 
of the particular prince; or, at least, giving preference 
to the inhabitants of the territory as purchasers and 
at cheaper rates. 

Owing to the small size of the very many princi- 
palities, the free development of trade was consider- 
ably hampered by these regulations. Sometimes also 
wood imports were prohibited, as for instance, in 
Wurttemberg, when, in 1740, widespread windfalls 
had occurred which had to be worked up and threat- 
ened to overstock the market. 

Wood depots under government control were estab- 
lished in large cities, and the amount of wood to be 
used per capita prescribed, as in Koenigsberg (1702). 

In Berlin, in 1766, a monopoly of the fuel wood 

54 Germany. 

market was rented to a corporation, excluding all 
others except by permission of the company. This 
was in 1785 supplanted by government administra- 
tion of the woody ards. 

Another such monopoly was created in the "Nutz- 
holzhandelsgesellschaft" (Workwood sales agency) 
for the export trade of building materials from Kur- 
mark and Magdeburg, which had prior right of pur- 
chase to all timber cut within given territory, the 
idea being to provide cheap material for the industries. 
This, too, came into the hands of the State in 1771. 

In Prussia, to prevent overcharges, the Jews were 
excluded from the wood trade in 1761. 

The exercise of the Forsthoheit (princely super- 
vision), originating in the ban forests, and favored 
by the mercantilistic and absolutist ideas of the 17th 
and 18th centuries, gradually grew until the end of 
the 18th century to such an extent that the forest 
owners themselves were not allowed to cut a tree 
without sanction of some forest official, and could 
not sell any wood without permission, even down to 
hop-poles, although the large landed property owners 
vigorously resisted this assumption of supervisory 
powers. Much discussion and argument regarding 
the origin of this right to supervision was carried on 
by the jurists upon the basis of Roman law doctrine, 
and it was proved by them to be of ancient date. 
The degree, however, to which this supervision was 
developed varied considerably in the different parts 
of the empire, according to different economic con- 
ditions. The interference, and the protection of 
forests appeared more necessary, where advanced 

Government Supervision. 55 

civilization and denser population created greater 
need for it. We find therefore that the restrictive 
policy was much more developed in the Southern 
and Western territories than in the Northern and 
Eastern ones, where the development begins two 
centuries later. 

The oldest attempts of controlling private forest 
property are found in Bavaria (1516), Brunswick 
(1590) and Wurttemberg (1614). Here, forest proper- 
ties were placed either entirely under the supervision 
of the princely forest administration, or, at least, 
permission for intended fellings had to be secured. 
Later, these restrictions were considerably reduced 
in rigor (Bavaria, 1789). 

In Prussia, private forest property remained free 
from government interference well into the 18th 
century. An edict by the Great Elector, in 1670, 
merely inveighs against the devastation of forests 
by their owners, but refrains from any interference; 
and the Forstordnung of 1720 also contains only the 
general injunction to the owners not to treat their 
forests uneconomically. But, in 1766, Frederick the 
Great instituted a rigid supervision providing punish- 
ment for fellings beyond a special budget determined 
by experts. Soon after the French revolution, however, 
unrestricted private ownership was re-established. 

Church and cloister property had always been 
severely supervised, similar to the Mark and other 
communal forest property, under the direction either 
of specially appointed officials or the officials of the 
princes. Finally, in some sections (Hesse-Kassel, 
1711; Baden, 1787), the management of these com- 

56 Germany. 

munal forests was entirely undertaken by the govern- 

In Prussia, by the Order of 1754, the foresters of 
the State were charged with the supervision of the 
communal forests, in which they were to designate 
the trees to be felled and the cultures to be executed; 
but as there was no pay connected with this ad- 
ditional duty and the districts were too large, the 
execution of this supervision was but indifferently 

In 1749, a special city forest order placed the city 
forests in Prussia under the provincial governments, 
requiring for their management the employment of a 
forester and the inspection of his work by the pro- 
vincial forestmaster. 

5. Personnel. 

Although all this supervision was probably more 
or less lax, the possibility of more general and incisive 
influence was increasing because the personnel to 
whom such supervision could be intrusted was at last 
coming into existence. 

The men in whose hands at the beginning of the 
18th century lay the task of developing and executing 
forest policies and of developing forestry practice 
came from two very dififerent classes. The work in 
the woods fell naturally to the share of the huntsmen 
and forest guards, who by their practical life in the 
woods had secured some wood lore and developed 
some technical detail upon empiric basis. These so- 
called holzgerechte Jaeger (woodcrafty hunters) pre- 
pared for their duties by placing themselves under 

Personnel. 57 

the direction of an established huntsman, who taught 
them what he knew about the rules of the chase, 
while by questioning woodchoppers, colliers, etc., 
and by their own observation the knowledge of wood- 
craft was acquired. 

At the head of affairs stood the so-called cameralists 
or chamber officials, men who had prepared them- 
selves by the study of philosophy, law, diplomacy 
and political economy for the positions of directors 
of finance and State administration. Rather ignorant 
of natural science, and without practical forestry 
knowledge, their efforts were not always well directed. 
They deserve credit, however, for having collected 
into encyclopaedic volumes the empiric knowledge of 
the practitioners or Holzgerechten, and for having 
elaborated it more or less successfully. In this work 
they were joined by some of the professors of cameralia 
and law at the universities. 

By the middle of the 18th century the hunters had 
so far grown in knowledge and education as to be able 
to produce their knowledge in books of their own. 
Quite a literature developed full of acrimonious war- 
fare of opinions, as is the rule where empiricism rules 

Notable progress, however, came only when hunt- 
ing was placed in the background and more or less 
divorced from forest work. 

6. Development of Silviculture. 

In addition to the restrictive measures and attempts 
at mere conservative lumbering without much thought 
of reproduction, there were as early as the 16th 

58 Germany. 

century silvicultural methods applied to secure or 
foster reproduction. 

Owing to differences in local conditions and differ- 
ence in necessities, this development varied greatly 
in various sections as to the time it took place. The 
Western and Middle country practiced as early as 
the 16th century what in the Eastern country did not 
appear until the 18th century. The forest ordinances, 
from which we derive our knowledge or inferences 
of these conditions, prescribed, to be sure, many 
things that probably were not really put into practice. 

a. Natural regeneration was at first merely favored, 
without the adoption of any very positive measures 
to secure it, namely, by removing the cut wood 
within the year, so as to give young growth a chance 
of establishing itself, by removing the brush so as 
not to smother the young growth, by keeping out 
cattle from the young growth (Schonung). 

If the selection method of lumbering , most gener- 
ally practiced without much plan, did not produce 
any desirable result in reproduction, the clear cutting 
which was practiced without system where charcoal 
manufacturing or river driving invited to it, did even 
less so. In either case, besides the defective and 
damaged old stubs which were left in the logging, 
a poor aftergrowth of undesirable character re- 
mained, as is the case in the American woods on so 
many areas. 

As early as 1524 and 1529, we have record of a 
conscious attempt to secure a reproduction by leaving 
ten to thirty seed trees per acre; but the result was 

Development of Silviculture. 59 

disappointing, for this practice, being applied to the 
shallow-rooted spruce, produced the inevitable result, 
namely, the seed trees were thrown by the winds. 

This experience led to the prescription (in 1565) 
in the Palatinate to leave, besides seed trees, parts of 
the other stand for protection against wind damage; 
later, wind protection was sought by leaving parcels 
standing on all four sides, giving rise to a checker- 
.board progress of fellings or a group system of repro- 
duction, which by the middle of the 18th century 
had developed into the regular strip system, applied 
in Austria (1766) to fir and spruce, and in Prussia 
(1764) to pine. And this marginal seeding method 
remained for a long time the favorite method for 
the conifers. 

To avoid long strips and distribute the fellings 
more conveniently, v. Berlepsch (in Kassel) recom- 
mended (in 1760) the cutting in echelons (curtain 
method, Kulissenhieb), which insured better seed- 
ing, but also increased danger from windfalls, and was 
never much practiced, the disadvantages of the 
method being shown up especially in the Prussian 
Forest Order of 1788. 

In the first half of the 18th century it was recog- 
nized that the wind danger would be considerably 
reduced by making the fellings progress from East 
or Northeast to West. The conception of a regular, 
properly located felling series was first elaborated in 
the Harz mountains in 1745 by von Langen, who 
also accentuated the necessity of preserving a wind 
mantle on exposed situations. Both of these pro- 
positions reappear in the Prussian Order of 1780, 

60 Germany. 

according to which fellings are to proceed in a breadth 
of twenty to thirty-five rods from East to West. 

The application of a nursetree method for conifers 
was proposed in 1787 by v. Burgsdorf (Prussia), a 
dark position (Dunkelschlag) and a regeneration 
period of seven years being advocated. 

In broadleaved forest, besides the selection forest, 
the natural result of the sprouting capacity of the 
hardwood had led to a coppice method which was 
extensively relied upon for fuel production. This 
was rarely, however, a simple coppice, for, intention- 
ally or unintentionally, some seedlings or sprouts 
would be allowed to grow on, leading to a composite 
forest and finally to a regular coppice with standards 
(1569, etc.), with an intentional holding over of the 
valuable oak and ash for standards. Probably, how- 
ever, large areas of unconsciously produced composite 
forest exhibited sad pictures of branchy overwood 
with suppressed underwood of poor sprouts, injured 
by game and cattle — a scrubby growth, into which 
crept softwoods of birch and aspen. Attempts at 
pruning such scrub growths into shape on quite an 
extensive scale are on record. 

The recognition that more wood per acre could be 
secured by lengthening the rotation of the coppice, 
which seems to have been mostly twelve years or less, 
led to twenty and thirty year turns and finally to 
fifty, sixty and even eighty year rotations or so-called 
polewood management (Brunswick, 1745), also called 
Hochwald (high forest). 

A full description and working plan for such a forest 
to be managed in eighty year rotation, the city forest 

Development of Silviculture. 61 

of Mainz in the Odenwald and Spessart mountains, 
dates from 1773, and this polewood forest manage- 
ment became quite general after the middle of the 
18th century, but in the last half of the 19th century 
it was generally replaced by the true high forest 
management under nursetrees, the experiences with 
the natural reproduction of conifer forest having 
proved the advantages of this method. 

The primitive beginnings of this so-called FemeU 
schlag method (Compartment selection or shelterwood 
method) are found, in 1720, in Hesse Darmstadt, 
where Oberforstmeister von Minnigerode prescribed 
regular fellings progressing from north to south, in 
which all material down to polewood size (in selection 
or virgin forest) was to be removed, excepting only 
a number of clean boles, one every ten to twelve paces 
being left for seed and nursetrees. The good results 
in reproduction stimulated owners of adjoining estates 
to imitate the method (1737). 

The observation that in beech forest the young crop 
needed protection and succeeded better when gradu- 
ally freed from the shade of the seed trees, especially 
on south and west aspects where drought, frost and 
weeds are apt to injure it on sudden exposure, led to 
the elaboration of the principle of successive fellings. 

In the ordinance of Hanau, as early as 1736, three 
grades of fellings were developed, the cutting for seed, 
the cutting for light, which was to begin when the 
young crop was knee-high, and the removal cutting 
when the crop was high. 

This method spread rapidly and was further de- 
veloped by the addition (in 1767) of a preparatory 

62 Germany. 

cutting, to secure a desirable seedbed, and by length- 
ening the period of regeneration and elaborating other 
detail, so that, by 1790, the principles of natural re- 
generation under nursetrees for beech forest were 
fully developed in Western Germany. 

In other parts, hardwood forest management was 
but little developed. The Prussian Forest Ordinance 
of 1786 contented itself with forbidding the selection 
method, by declaring natural regeneration, as prac- 
ticed in the pineries, not applicable ; while the Austrian 
Ordinance of 1786 recognizes only clearing followed 
by planting as the general rule. 

b. Artificial Reforestation. Although sporadic at- 
tempts at sowing and planting are on record as early 
as the beginning of the 14th century, extensive arti- 
ficial reforestation did not begin until the middle of 
the 18th century, by which time planting methods 
were quite fully developed. 

Among the hardwoods, the oak was the first to 
receive special attention. By the middle of the 16th 
century the forest ordinances gave quite explicit 
instructions for planting oak in the so-called HtUewald, 
a combination of pasture and tree growth such as is 
found to-day in the bluegrass region of Kentucky; 
the remnants of these poor pasture woods with their 
gnarly oaks have lasted into modern times. 

In the- forest ordinance of Brunswick (1598) orders 
are given to plant on felling areas: "every full farmer 
shall every year at the proper time set out ten young- 
oaks, every half farmer five, every farm laborer three, 
well taken up with roots (wildlings), and plant them 

Development of Silviculture. 63 

in the commons or openings at Martini (November) 
or Mitfasten (Easter) and cover them with thorn 
brush" (to protect them against cattle). 

About that time it was, indeed, incumbent on every 
marker to sow annually five oaks, or plant several 
young seedlings for every tree cut and to tend them 
a few years ; and the custom existed in the low country, 
— afterwards (1700) introduced by law in Saxony — 
to plant in celebration of certain occurrences — a kind 
of arborday — especially to celebrate the marriage day; 
in order to be married the bridegroom had to prove 
that he had planted a certain number of oaks, which 
in Prussia (1719) had to be six, besides six fruit trees. 
The existence of this custom, now long forgotten, has 
given rise in the United States to the story that this 
is the method by which the German forest is main- 

The method of collecting and keeping acorns over 
winter was well known in 1579, as is evidenced by 
the Hohenlohe Forest Ordinance, which advised fall 
sowing, but, if that did not prove successful, to pre- 
pare the ground in summer, leave it through the 
winter and sow in the spring. 

While, in earlier times, sowing seems to have had 
the preference, at a later period planting was practiced, 
at first with wildings, but as early as 1603 we find 
mention of oak nurseries. 

The Prussian Order of 1720 ordered the foresters 
to plant oaks in the openings before Christmas, for 
which they were to be paid, if the trees were found 
alive after three years. The growing and culture of 
oak also interested Frederick the Great, who ordered 

64 Germany. 

its extension everywhere. Very explicit and correct 
rules for growing and transplanting them, and some 
to which we would not subscribe, were given in the 
books of the 18th century. Among the planting 
methods we find, in 1719 and again in 1776, one similar 
to the Manteuffel method of planting in mounds. 

While oak culture was especially fostered in North- 
western Germany, the cultivation of conifers first 
received attention in the southwest, and in the same 
manner which was inaugurated by the Nuremberg 
seed dealer in 1368. A new idea, introduced in the 
Palatine Forest Ordinance (1565) and in the Bavarian 
Forest Ordinance (1568), was the prescription, to 
soak the seed before use and sow mixed with sawdust 
or sand, bringing the seed under with brush or iron 

Carlowitz (1713) taught well the methods of collect- 
ing, extracting and keeping the seed, and even pro- 
posed seed tests. The seedbeds were to be made as 
for carrots, dense sowings to be thinned, and the 
thinnings transplanted into nursery rows, the seed- 
beds to be covered with moss and litter to protect 
them against heaving; he also discusses the question 
of cost. The adaptation of plant material to different 
sites — conifers where oaks are not suitable — was also 
understood (Bavarian Forest Ordinance, 1683). 

As long as the old method of extracting the seed in 
hot stoves or ovens prevailed, conifer sowings gave 
but indifferent results. 

In the pine forests of Prussia, during the second half 
of the 18th century, the method of sov/ing the cones 
on large waste and sand barrens, where the sun would 

Development of Silviculture. 65 

make them release the seed, was practised, and before 
Bremontier had written his celebrated memoire sur 
les dunes, sanddunes had been recovered with pine 
plantations in Germany in the manner which is still 
in vogue. 

The planting of conifers came into practice much 
later, and then it was mostly done with wildlings. 
Opinions differing as to the value of sowing or planting, 
it was erroneously held until the 19th century that 
planting was less successful and too costly in com- 
parison with the small harvest yield, which necessi- 
tated cheapness of operations. It was only towards 
the end of the 18th century that planting of pine was 
resorted to, but merely for repairing fail places in 
sowings and natural regeneration, and then with a 
ball of earth (1779), using a hollow spade, — a costly 
method. The cost of a certain plantation made in 
1751 is, however, reported as less than $3.00 per M., 
in 1770 as low as 70 cents per M. To cheapen the 
operations the labor was exchanged for wood, pasture 
or other materials or advantages. 

In Prussia, in 1773, all recipients of free wood had 
to do service in the cultures; in 1785, every farmer 
had to furnish a certain amount of cones or acorns. 
The method, lately adopted in Russia, came into 
vogue in Prussia in 1719, namely, of charging, besides 
the value of the wood, a toll to be paid into the plant- 
ing fund (about 7% of the value). This method was 
also imitated elsewhere. 

The use of the Waldfeldbau (combined farm and 
forest culture) was also inaugurated for the purpose 
of cheapening the cost of plantations (by v. Langen 

66 Germany. 

in 1744) when the great movement for reforesting 
wastes and openings began, the tree seed being sown 
with the grain either at once or after farm use for 
some years. 

Regular annual planting budgets (of $50 — $100 — 
$200) were inaugurated in Brunswick by v. Langen 
in 1745; and in 1781, the Prussian forest administra- 
tion had attained to entirely modern planting plans 
and annual planting budgets. 

It was no wonder that the fear of a timber famine 
and the apparent hopelessness of bringing improve- 
ment into the existing forest conditions created 
anxiety and a desire to plant rapid growers, such as 
birch, willow, aspen, alder; the planting of the White 
Birch became so general in the beginning of the 18th 
century that a regular betulomania is recorded corre- 
sponding to the incipient catalpomania in the United 

At that time, to be sure, firewood was still the 
main concern, and the use of these rapid growing 
species had some justification. But where birch was 
mixed in spruce plantations its baneful effects con- 
sisting in whipping off the spruce tips and injuring its 
neighbors were soon recognized, and much trouble was 
experienced in getting rid of the unwelcome addition. 

The Robinia, which had been brought from America 
in 1638, was also one of the trees recommended in the 
middle of the 18th century and was much planted 
until Hartig pointed out that the expectations from 
it were entirely misplaced. 

Of course no building material could be expected 
from these species, hence the larch, also a rapid 

Development of Silviculture. 67 

grower, was transplanted from the Alps (1730 in 
Harz mountains), and its use was extended, as with 
us, to conditions for which it was not adapted. 

It was principally a desire for novelty and perhaps 
for better, especially foreign things, that led to the 
planting of North American species in parks during 
the first half of the 18th century. But, although 
F. A. J. von Wangenheim's very competent writings 
on the American forest-flora and on the laws of natu- 
ralization (1787) stimulated interest in that direction, 
the use of American species for forest planting was 
not inaugurated till nearly 100 years later., with the 
single exception of the White Pine (P. strohus), of 
which large numbers were planted. 

7. Improvement of the Crop. 

Thinning of stands had been practiced early in the 
16th century, not for improvement of the remaining 
stand so much as to secure fence material, although in 
1531 the observation was already recorded that thin- 
ning improved and stimulated the remaining growth. 

In the 17th century, opposite views, or, at least 
doubts as to its usefulness were expressed in the forest 
orders, and sometimes thinning was even forbidden. 
Even in the 18th century some of the prominent 
foresters, Doebel and Beckman, were opposed to it, 
and although others favored the operation, the prac- 
tice of it remained limited. 

In 1761, we find the first good statement of the 
theory of thinnings by Berlepsch, who advised taking 
out the suppressed trees when the sound poles were 
clear of lower and middle branches; he also accentu- 


68 Germany. 

ated the financial argument of earlier returns and 
increased value of the remainder. 

About the same time, Zanthier recommended two 
thinnings, namely, for conifers first in the thirtieth 
to fortieth year and again in the fiftieth year, for 
broadleaf forest first in the forty-fifth and again in 
the eightieth to ninetieth year. 

In 1765, the financial gain from thinnings is figured 
by Oettelt, and the possible reduction of the rotation 
due to thinnings is recognized by Leubert in 1774. 

Just as the thinning in polewoods arose from the 
need of earlier utilization, so the weeding of young 
growths was done for the purpose of getting material 
for withes to bind the grain, etc. 

The removal of coppice shoots in oak plantings was 
practiced in Prussia in 1719, and the thinning of too 
dense sowings was advised by Carlowitz in 1713. 
Yet much later, even such an intelligent man as 
Oettelt inveighed against the weeding out of the birch 
in spruce sowings because "nature prefers variety, 
with which preference it is not good to interfere," 

This was in opposition to v. Langen (1745), who 
prescribed for the first time regular cleaning or weed- 
ing, especially the removal of the softwoods, aspen 
and birch, and of coppice shoots from seedling forest. 
It was also known that this weeding is best done "in 
the full sap, "in order to kill the stocks. 

8. Methods of Regulating Forest Management. 

Organized forest management was slower to develop 
than silvicultural methods. The first attempts to 
bring order into the progress of fellings took the form 

Methods of Forest Organization. 69 

of dividing the whole area into a ceertain number of 
felHng areas (12, 16, 20, 30, etc.), several ordinances 
dating from the middle of the 15th and 17th centuries 
containing prescriptions to that effect. 

It is doubtful whether the numbers of these areas 
indicate years of rotation, in which case they could 
only have applied to coppice, or whether they indicate 
periods of return in selection forest, although the 
historians seem to jump to the former conclusion. 
The area division practiced by v. Langen in the Harz 
mountains (1745), who prescribed the division of 
larger districts into fifty to sixty, of smaller districts 
into twenty to thirty felling areas, also leaves it doubt- 
ful, whether the areas corresponded to an assumed 
rotation or to a period of return. 

At first, the division was not into equal areas, for 
no survey existed, and its object was simply to localize 
the cutting and provide orderly progress. The sub- 
division was made in the mountain country by follow- 
ing the topography, valleys and ridges, while in the 
plain the lines opened up for purposes of the chase (to 
set up nets), called Schneisen or Gestelle (rides), bound- 
ing square areas called Jagen, Quadrat, Stalking, 
were used for the limitation of the felling areas. Most 
commonly, however, largely due to absence of sur- 
veys, the ordered division did not materialize, but 
existed only on paper. 

With more exact measuring of areas, and with the 
-conception of a rotation or longer periods of return, it 
was recognized that the inequality of the sites or soil 
qualities, especially in mountain districts, produced 
very unequal felling budgets. To overcome this 

70 Germany. 

inequality, Jacobi, in Goettingen (1741) introduced 
proportional felling areas, making the felling areas on 
poor sites permanently larger. 

Similarly, v. Langen and Zanthier attempt to secure 
equal annual returns without slavishly holding to the 
geometric division, merely making sure that the total 
area be cut over in the predetermined rotation. 

The first attempts to introduce a regulated manage- 
ment by making a volume division the basis is recorded 
from the Harz mountains in 1547. This method, 
based on very crude estimates although upon very fair 
forest description, was continued into the 18th century. 

In the last half of the 18th century all these crude 
methods were improved, and applied on extensive 

In 1785, Zanthier combined area and volume di- 
vision, determining the felling budget on each felling 
area by counting and estimating the trees and calcu- 
lating how many trees could be used annually under 
a sustained yield management; the area division 
being used only as a check or means of control. 

A very considerable advance was made by Oettelt, 
(who surveyed and regulated the Weimar forests in 
1760) in the elaboration of details and establishment 
of proper principles for regulating the felling budget. 

In his forest description he introduces for the first 
time periodic age classes, usually six, but of uneven 
length: Young growth, below twelve years; thicket, 
twelve to twenty-four years; polewood, twenty-four 
to forty years; clear timber, forty to fifty; medium 
timber, fifty to seventy-five; mature timber, seventy- 
five years and over. 

Methods of Forest Organization. 7,1 

He divides the forest into proportional areas (which 
were marked by stones in the woods), equahzing them 
according to age, quality, increment, soil, exposure, 
so as to secure equal annual budgets; the stands were 
ranged into seven or eight unequal age classes and 
each into as many annual felling areas as there are 
years in the age class; if some of the age classes were 
absent, he extended the time for cutting in the older 
class until the younger had grown to the proper age 
and by varying the cut from good to poor sites for 
stands he tried to even out the budgets. The volume 
budget he determined by average increment measure- 
ments. This method was, however, much too far 
advanced and required too much mathematics to 
find imitators at that time. 

Another method which proved also too complex for 
the foresters of the time was that of v. Wedell ; never- 
theless, by 1790, he had by it put into working order 
800,000 acres in Silesia. He divided this area into 
districts, the districts into blocks or management 
classes, and used an elaborated proportional area 
division for determining the felling budget. He 
distinguished, quality of stand and quality of site, 
and made four site classes. The volume of stock, he 
found by means of sample areas, to which he added 
the increment in order to find the total volume for 
harvest, when it could be determined how long with 
a given budget the stands would last, or what average 
annual felling budget could be taken before the next 
age-class would be mature. 

In the North German plain, with very uniform 
conditions of soil and timber, the method of equal 

72 Germany. 

felling areas was the most natural and most easily 

Frederick the Great, who took a considerable inter- 
est in forestry matters, ordered such an area division 
for the State pineries in 1740, fixing upon different 
numbers of felling areas, but finally, in 1770, deciding 
on a rotation of seventy years. Lack of personnel 
retarded progress in this forest survey and regulation 
until in 1778 v. Kropf undertook the direction. Not 
agreeing with his master regarding the short rota- 
tion of seventy years, he arranged to have each dis- 
trict divided into two working blocks, and by cutting 
alternately in these, managed to double that rotation. 
His successor, Hennert, in 1788, devised a new method 
by introducing allotment of a number of annual felling 
areas to a period of the rotation when at least the 
periodic budget could be equalized. A value or money 
yield equalization of the felling budgets was also 

For easier handling, the forest was divided into 
small compartments or Jagen and a classification of 
four, still uneven, periodic age classes (of different 
length for conifers and broadleaved forest), and three 
site qualities were employed. The merchantable 
stock was ascertained by a sample area method and 
the felling budget by dividing the oldest age class by 
the number of years it must last until the next was 
ready. Since no attempt was made to secure a proper 
age class gradation, the method failed to improve 
conditions for the next rotation. 

Some 500,000 acres were regulated according to this 
plan in Prussia, probably very superficially. 

Methods of Forest Organization. 73 

In 1789, Bavaria also ordered a division into annual 
felling areas. 

In all these methods of regulating the yield or 
budget, the area played the main role, the volume 
being only a secondary consideration. 

The first elaboration of a pure volume division was 
made by Beckman in 1759. He estimated stock on 
hand by trees and guessed more or less at the incre- 
ment, allowing 2.5, 2, and 1% for the different sites, 
and then made a year to year calculation of stock for 
125 years. How the felling budget was finally deter- 
mined is not known. 

Two methods were simultaneously devised in 
Wiirttemberg in 1783, which form the transition to 
the so-called allotment methods, making periodic age 
classes of an equal number of years and allotting either 
felling areas or volumes to each period of the rotation. 
Incapacity of the officials prevented the application 
of the one method, while the other, devised by Maurer, 
remained also only a proposition. 

But, in 1788, Kregting in his Mathematical Con- 
tributions to Forestry Science teaches a pure volume 
allotment method with ten year age classes and 
nearly all the apparatus which was afterward develop- 
ed by Hartig, who in the next period dominated to 
such a large extent the development of forestry in all 
its branches. 

9. Improvements in Methods of Mensuration. 

In scientific direction, the mathematical disciplines 
were the first to be developed; the natural sciences 
received attention much later. 

74 Germany. 

A considerable amount of mathematical know- 
ledge was required for this work of forest organization. 
The mathematical apparatus of the foresters even 
at the end of this period was rather slender, but its 
development went hand in hand with the develop- 
ment of these methods of regulation ; and even elabor- 
ate mathematical formulae for determining felling 
budgets were not absent. 

Until nearly the middle of the 18th century, sur- 
veys of exact nature were almost unknown; only 
when the division into equal or proportionate felling 
areas became the basis for determining the felling 
budgets, did the necessity for such surveys present 

Plane table and compass were the instruments 
which came into use in the beginning of the 18th 
century. But not until the latter half of that century 
were extensive forest surveys and maps of various 
character made, especially in Prussia under Wedell, 
Kropff and Hennert. 

The methods of measurement of wood developed 
still later. Until Oettelt's time no method of precise 
determination of volumes was known, everything 
being estimated by cords or by diameter breast-high 
and height, or by the number of boards which a tree 
would make (board feet?). 

The diameter was sometimes used as a price maker, 
the price increasing in direct proportion to the dia- 
meter increase. Oettelt calculated the volume of 
coniferous trees as cones, and Vierenklee, who wrote 
a book on mathematics for the use of foresters, 
calculated timbers with the top removed by using the 

Development of Mensuration. 75 

average diameter, to which Hennert added the volume 
of a cone with the difference of the two diameters as 
a base, to make the total tree volume. 

Most measurements of standing trees were, of 
course, made on the circumference, for, in the absence 
of calipers, the diameter could be directly measured 
only on the felled tree. Doebel had already measured 
the height by means of a rectangular triangle, and 
the first real hypsometer with movable sights was 
described by Jung in 1781 ; and a complete instrument, 
which could be used for measuring both height and 
diameter at any height, similar to some more modern 
ones, was constructed by Reinhold. 

Determination of the real wood contents in a cord 
of wood and of the volume of bark by measurement 
was taught by Oettelt, and the method of immersion 
in water and measuring the displaced volume, by 
Hennert (1782). 

In 1785, Krohne first called attention to the vari- 
ation of the increment in different age classes and 
the need of determining the accretion for each separ- 

In 1789, Trunk taught how to determine average 
felling age increment, and also the method of deter- 
mining the change of diameter classes, which is now 
used by the United States Forest Service: ''On good 
soil a tree grows one inch in three years, on medium 
soil in four years, on poor soil in five years." With 
this knowledge, the attainment of a given diameter, 
or the change from one diameter or age class to the 
next could be calculated. 

Volume tables were at Trunk's command, and 

76 Germany. 

Paulsen in 1787, Kregting in 1788, mention periodic 
yield tables; but generally speaking "ocular taxation" 
or estimating was the rule, checked by experience in 
actual fellings, the method of the American timber 
looker. Generally, of course, only the log timber 
was estimated as with us, and only the very roughest 
estimating or rather guessing was in vogue until near 
the end of the period. 

The first attempt at closer measurement was made 
by Beckman (1756), who surrounded the area to be 
measured with twine, drove a colored wooden peg 
into each tree, one color for each diameter class, when, 
knowing the original number of pegs that had been 
taken out, the difference gave the number of trees in 
each diameter class, and by multiplying the average 
cubic contents of a measured sample tree in each class 
by the number in the class its volume was found. 

The method, often employed at present, of ascer- 
taining by tally the diameter classes on strips forty 
to fifty paces wide, the so-called strip survey, was 
described by Zanthier in 1763. 

These measurements were usually confined to 
sample areas, the use of such being already known 
in 1739. The contents of the sample area, if a special 
degree of accuracy was desired, were ascertained by 
felling the whole and measuring. 

Oettelt, of mathematical fame, was the first to 
publish something about the determination of the 
age of trees by counting rings, although the practice 
probably antedates this account. He knew of the 
dependence of the ring width on the site and on the 
density of the stand. 

Development of Mensuration. 77 

It seems that long before this time the French had 
made the determination of yield in a more scientific 
manner, Reaumur reporting in 1721 to the French 
Academy comparative studies of the yield of coppice 
and of volumes of wood. 

Oettelt, too, laid the foundation of forest financial 
calculations when he ascertained the value of a forest 
by determining the value of an acre of mature wood 
— the oldest age class — and multiplying it by half the 
acreage of the whole forest, suggesting the well know^n 

expression for the normal stock ( I "^ i soon after to be 

developed by an obscure Austrian tax collector. 

Even the first forest finance calculations with the 
use of compound interest, and a comparison of the 
profitableness of the different methods of management, 
are to be recorded as made by Zanthier in 1764, bring- 
ing the beginning of forestal statics into this period. 

10. Methods of Lumbering and Utilization. 

At the beginning of this period, rough exploitation 
was still mainly in vogue, only parts of trees being 
used, just as in the United States now. Here and 
there, attempts were made toward more conservative 
use; for instance, at Brunswick in 1547, the use of log 
timber for fuel was discouraged; in Saxony, as early 
as 1560, the brushwood was utilized for fuel. High 
stumps were a usual feature in spite of the threats 
of punishment of the forest ordinances, as in Bavaria 
(1531). The axe was the only instrument used until 
the end of the 18th century for felling as well as cutting 
into lengths; not until 1775, do we find an allusion to 

78 Germany. 

the use of the saw, when the forest ordinance of Weimar 
ordered that the saw-cut should be made for three- 
fourths of the tree's diameter and the axe be used to 
finish (!) the last quarter. Not until the 18th century 
was the fuel-wood split, in the woods and it was near 
the end of the period before it was set up in mixed 
cords (round and split) after the splitting had been 
introduced. The measurement was, until about that 
time, made merely in loads, the cord being of later 

The value of low stumps and of the use of the saw 
was recognized in Austria in 1786. To show how 
variously and locally the need of conservative use of 
wood developed, we may cite the fact that in the 
Harz, about 1750, trees were dug with their roots as 
now in some of the pineries of the Mark Brandenburg, 
in order to utilize more of the body-wood and the 
root-wood. In 1757 we find stump-pulling machines 

In measurement of standing trees the circumfer- 
ence at breast-height was measured with a chain, 
and for the body-wood when felled the mean diameter 
was employed. 

As regards the felling time, specific advice is found 
in many forest ordinances which recommend mostly 
winter felling, stating the proper beginning and end 
of the season by the phases of the moon, the rule 
being that all white wood, for example conifers, beech 
and aspen should be felled on the increase or waxing 
of the moon; oak, at the waning; but coppice, because 
it is desired to secure a new growth, at the waxing 
moon. Prescription was also made sometimes re- 

Forest Utilization. 79 

garding the time by which the removal of the 
wood from the feUing area was to be finished (May 
to June). 

Means of transportation were poor up to the end 
of the period; snow, as in the United States, was in 
the Northern country the main rehance for moving 
the wood. River driving, both with, and without 
rafts was well organized; various systems of log- 
slides were developed to a considerable extent ; in 
one place even an iron pipe, 900 feet in length, is re- 
ported to have been used in such capacity. 

Originally, the consumer cut his own wood, but in 
the middle of the 17th century special wood-choppers 
appear to have been employed, for, in 1650, mention 
is made in Saxony of men, who, under oath to secure 
honest service, were organized for the exploitation 
of the different classes of wood. A system of jobbers 
came into existence about this time, something like 
the logging bosses in the United States (Holzmeister) 
who were responsible for the execution of the logging 
job. The organization of wood-choppers went so far 
that, in 1718, we find in the Harz mountains mention 
of an Accident Insurance and Mutual Charity Associ- 
ation among them. 

The sale of wood was at first carried on in the house ; 
later it became customary to indicate in the forest the 
trees to be cut or the area from which they should be 
cut by the purchaser, and finally they were felled by 
the employes of the owner. For a long time, persisting 
into the 18th century, the sale' was by area, and this 
method developed the necessity of surveying; at the 
same time, however, sales by the tree and by wood 

80 Germany. 

measure occurred, but only in the 18th century did 
the present method of seUing wood by measure after 
feUing come into existence. In Prussia, the buyer had 
to take the risk of felUng, and pay, even if the tree 
proved to be rotten, or broke in the felHng. The 
forest owner seems to have had the whip hand in de- 
termining the price one-sidedly, revising, i.e., in- 
creasing the toll in longer or shorter intervals. But, 
in 1713, we find mention of wood-auctions, or at least 
similar methods of getting the best prices. Finally, 
special market days for making sales and for desig- 
nating of wood were instituted; on these days also, 
all offences against the forest laws were adjudged. 

11. Forest Administration. 

The administration of the different forest properties 
which the princes had aggregated in the course of 
time was at first a part of the general administration 
of the princely property. The requirements in the 
woods being merely to look after utilization and pro- 
tection, illiterate underlings (Forstknechte) were suffi- 
cient to carry out the police functions, generally 
under a Forstmeister, or Oberforstmeister, who from 
time to time would make an inspection tour. Later 
on, when a more intensive forest management had 
come into existence, it became customary to call in 
experienced foresters from outside to make inspec- 
tions and give advice. 

A much more elaborate organization of service is, 
however, reported in the mining districts of the Harz 
mountains, in 1547, with the Director of Mines 
(Berghauptmaji) at the head, and different grades of 

Methods of Forest Administration. 81 

officials under him, who were called together periodi- 
cally for reports and discussions. 

Until the middle of the 18th century all those em- 
ployed in the forest service, at least those in the 
superior positions, had also duties in connection with 
the chase, the head official of the hunt being also the 
head of the forest service; and hunting had usually 
superior claims to forestry. The men were supposed 
to be masters of the two branches, i.e., to be familiar 
with the technique of the hunt and of forestry {Hirsch- 
gerecht and Holzgerecht). The higher positions were 
usually reserved to the nobility until (during the 18th 
century) the Cameralists came into control of the 
administration; and with them, under the mercanti- 
listic teachings, the apparatus of officials also in- 

These men usually possessed wide, but not deep 
knowledge of matters bearing upon their charges. In 
Prussia, in 1740, the forest service was at least in part 
combined with the military service, Frederick the 
Great instituting the corps of riding couriers for the 
carrying of dispatches who were selected from the 
forest service, an institution which persists up to date 
in the corps of Feldjaeger, while the sons of foresters 
were enlisted in a troop known as Fussjaeger (chas- 
seurs). A new era dates from the middle of the 18th 
century when the connection with the hunt, the mili- 
tary organization, and the preferred position of the 
nobility, were at least in part abrogated, and a more 
technical organization was attempted. The cause 
for this change was the increase of wood prices, which 
made a more technical management desirable, and 


82 Germany. 

also a decrease in the passion for the hunt. Still, 
although the forests in Bavaria were declared, in 
1780 to 1790, to be of more importance than the hunt, 
and the two services were distinctly separated,' the 
head of the hunt still ranked above the head of the 
forest service. 

In Prussia, the professional men became early inde- 
pendent and influential, and by 1770, an organization 
had been perfected which excelled in thoroughness 
and simplicity. The salaries of the foresters con- 
sisted originally mainly in a free house, use of land 
and pasture rights, their uniform, and incidental 
emoluments, such as a toll for the designation of timber 
etc. Later, when everywhere else a regular money 
management had been introduced, the absence of 
a cash income and general poverty forced the foresters 
to steal and extort ; and the bad reputation established 
in the last part of the 18th century, as well as the bad 
practice, persisted until the 19th century. The lower 
grades in the service were exceedingly ignorant, and 
their social position, consequently, very low. Their 
main business was, indeed, simple, and consisted in 
the booking of the cut, issuing permits for the removal 
and the sale of wood, and looking after poHce functions 
in the woods. Yet, by 1781, we find regular planting 
plans submitted in the Prussian administration, and, 
in 1787, felling plans are on record. 

The administration of justice against offenders in 
the forests was until the end of the 18th century in 
charge of the head foresters, and only then was trans- 
ferred to law officers. Theft of wood, as in olden days, 
was considered as a smaller offense than other thefts, 

Forestry Education. 83 

except if it was cut wood. In the beginning of the 
period, the judge had wide latitude as to amount of 
the fine to be imposed, but in the 17th century more 
precise fines were fixed, and in the 18th century, a 
revision of the fines brought them into proportion 
with the value of the stolen wood ; a choice of punish- 
ments by fines, imprisonment or labor in the woods 
was then also instituted. 

12. Forestry Education. 

The course of education for the foresters until the 
middle of the 18th century was a simple one and 
mainly directed to learning the manipulations of the 
chase, training of dogs, tending of horses, setting of 
nets, shooting, etc. Two or three years' life with a 
practical hunter were followed by journeying and 
working for different employers, woodlore being 
picked up by the way from those that knew. 

When in the 18th century the need for better woods 
knowledge became pressing, the few really good forest 
managers were sought out by the young men who 
wished to secure this knowledge. In this way, a 
number of so-called "master-schools" came into 
existence, each depending on one man. Such a school 
was that of v. Zanthier in Wernigerode, later trans- 
ferred to Ilsenburg, started in 1763 and ending with 
his death in 1778. Theoretical teaching and oppor- 
tunity for practical demonstration here was such that 
even students from the Berlin school and men in 
actual employment attended the courses. 

The two great masters and fathers of modern 
forestry, Hartig and Cotta, each instituted such 

84 Germany. 

master-schools, the former in 1789, and the latter 
in 1785. Cotta's school was afterwards transferred 
to Tharandt and became a State institution. 

The interest of the State in forestry education found 
first expression in Prussia in a course of lectures in 
botany, later also in forest economy, given to the 
forest officials by Gleditsch, professor of botany at the 
University of Berlin (1770), to which was added a 
practicum at Tegel under Burgsdorf, who finally 
became the head of this mixed State school, and con- 
tinued in this position until at his death, in 1802, the 
school was discontinued. 

In imitation of this move by Prussia, a military 
planting school was instituted by Wiirttemberg at 
Solitude in 1770. The most noteworthy feature of 
this school, which under various changes lasted less 
than 25 years, was the course of lectures by Stahl, 
mentioned before. 

Besides this higher school, a lower grade school was 
started in 1783, but its career was even briefer, not 
more than ten years. 

Bavaria organized a forest school at Munich in 1790 
with a four years' course, and at least three years' 
study at this school was required of those seeking 
employment in the State service ; but without having 
ever flourished, this school, too, collapsed by 1803. 

13. Forestry Literature. 

The oldest forestry literature of this period is con- 
tained in the many forest ordinances, which allow us 
to judge from their prescriptions as to the conditions 
of the practice in the woods and as to the gradual 

Forestry Literature. 85 

accumulation of empiric knowledge. Of a forestry- 
science one could hardly speak until an attempt had 
been made to organize the knowledge thus empirically 
acquired into a systematic presentation, and this was 
not done until the middle or last half of the 18th 

The first attempts at a literary presentation of the 
empiric knowledge are found in the encyclopaedic 
volumes of the so-called "Hausvater" (household 
fathers — domestic economists) , who treated in a most 
diffuse manner of agriculture in all its aspects, includ- 
ing silviculture. 

A number of these tomes appeared during the 17th 
century; the best and most influential being published 
at the very beginning of that century (1595-1609), 
written by a preacher from Silesia, Joliann Colerus, 
and entitled Oeconomia ruralis et domestica, worin das 
ampt alter hraven Hausvdter und Hausmiltter begriffen. 

Colerus relied upon home experience and not, as 
Petrus de Crescentiis in his earlier work, Praedium 
rusticum (translated from the French, in 1592), had 
done, upon the scholastic expositions of the Italians. 
He was rewarded by the popularity of his work which 
went through thirteen editions and became very 
widely known. 

Somewhat earlier, a jurist, Noe Meurer, wrote a 
book on forest law and hunting (second edition, 1576), 
which on this field remained long an authority, and 
gives insight into the condition of forest use at the 

But the first independent work on forestry, divorced 
from the hunt and farming, did not appear until 1713, 

86 Germany. 

SylvicuUura ceconomica, written by the Saxon director 
of mines, Hans Carl v. Carlowitz. 

This book, while containing quaint and amusing 
ideas, gives many correct rules for silvicultural me- 
thods, especially as regards planting and sowing, but 
the subject of forest management or organization is 
entirely neglected. 

At about the same time (1710) a forest official, v. 
Gochhausen, published Notabilia • venatoris, which, 
however, contained little more than a description of 
the species of trees and methods of their utilization. 

About the middle of the 18th century great activity 
began in the literary field. This was carried on by 
two distinct classes of writers, namely, the empiricists 
and the cameralists. The former — the hohgerechte 
Jdger — were the "practical" men of the woods who 
proved in many directions most unpractical, and ex- 
hibited in their writings, outside of the record of their 
limited experience, the crassest ignorance. The 
cameralists were educated in law and political economy 
and, while lacking practical contact with the woods- 
work, tried to sift and systematize the knowledge of 
the empiricists, and to secure for it a tangible basis. 

Some five or six of the empiricists deserve notice 
as writers; the first and most noted of them was 
Doebel (Heinrich Wilhelm) whose book, Jdgerpraktica 
(hunters' practice), published in 1746, remained an 
authority until modern times for the part referring to 
the chase. The author was pre-eminently a hunter, 
who worked in various capacities in Saxony, a self- 
taught man with very little knowledge of natural 
history. Being familiar mainly with broadleaf forest 

Forestry Literature. 87 

he condemned planting and thinning, but described 
quite well for his time the methods of survey, sub- 
division, estimating and measuring, and the methods 
of selection forest and coppice with standards. 
His ignorance is characterized by his reference to 
the ''sulphurous and nitric elements of the soil" as 
cause of spontaneous forest fires. 

Opinionated and one-sided, like many so-called prac- 
tical men, he came into polemic controversies with 
other practitioners, not less opinionated, among them 
J. G. Beckmann, who worked in another part of 
Saxony, where, having to deal with coniferous woods, 
he had gathered different experiences from those of 
Doebel. Although he was himself poorly educated, 
especially in natural sciences, he complained of the 
ignorance of the foresters, and in his book {Anweisung 
zu einer pfleglichen Forstwirthschaft, 1759), used for 
the first time the word Forstwissenschaft (forest 
science), and insisted upon the necessity of studying 

He may be credited with having really advanced 
forest organization by devising the first good volume 
division method, and silviculture by advocating the 
method of clearing followed by sowing. 

The first practical forester with a university educa- 
tion was /. /. Biichting, who worked in the Harz 
mountains. His main interest lay in the direction of 
survey, division and orderly utilization. He did not, 
however, make any striking advance, except that 
he gave equal standing to both planting and sowing. 

The two most eminent practitioners of the period, 
however, active during the middle of the century, 

88 Germany. 

were Johann Georg von Langen and his pupil, Hans 
Dietrich von Zanthier, both of noble family, and 
better educated than most of their contemporaries, 
and both engaged in the organization and manage- 
ment of Harz mountain forests, namely, those of the 
Duke of Brunswick and of the Count of Stolberg- 

The former, without occupying himself directly 
with literary work, laid down in his expert reports and 
in his working plans many instructions which form 
the basis for orderly management and silviculture far 
ahead of the times. Zanthier, writing considerably 
(especially Kurzer systematischer Grundriss der prak- 
tischen Forstwissenschaft, 1764), is also notable as the 
founder of the first forestry school (at Wernigerode) , 

Another of this class of better educated practi- 
tioners, and co-worker with the former two, was 
von Lassberg, who in 1764-1777 organized the Saxon 

An interesting incident in the life of the last three 
men is their journey to Denmark and Norway, whither 
they were called to organize the management of the 
forests connected with the mines. 

Another prominent forest manager of the last half of 
the century, whose literary work is to be found only 
in various excellent official instructions, among which 
is one for the teaching of foresters, was the head of 
the Hessian forest service, a nobleman, v. Berlepsch. 

Of the cameralists who helped to make forestry 
literature, six or seven deserve mention. These, men 
of education and polyhistors, were either at the head 

Forestry Literature. 89 

of affairs, or else professors at universities, where 
they included forestry as one of the branches of 
political economy. 

The credit of the first really systematic presenta- 
tion of forestry principles and rules, as developed at 
the time, belongs to Wilhelm Gottfried von Moser, a 
pupil of von Langen, who served in various princi- 
palities, and finally with the Prince of Taxis. In his 
Principles of Forest Economy, published in 1757, 
which for the first time brought out the economic 
importance of the subject, he discusses in two volumes 
divided into nine chapters the different branches of 

A mining engineer, /. A. Cramer, came next with a 
very notable book, ^' Anleitung zum Forstwesen'' 
(1766), which, although not as comprehensive as 
Moser's, treats the subject of silviculture very well. 

Equal in arrogance and opinionated self-satisfaction 
to any of the empiricists with whom he frequently 
crossed swords, was the Brunswick councillor, von 
Brocke, who, as an amateur, practising forestry on 
his own estate, developed the characteristic trait of 
the empiricists, namely, a profound belief in his own 
infallibility. He produced, besides many polemic 
writings, in which he charged the whole class of 
foresters with ignorance, laziness and dishonesty, a 
magnum opus in four volumes, entitled "True bases 
of the physical and experimental general science of 
forestry,'' which is an olla podrida of small value. 

Less original, but more fair and well informed, a 
typical representative of the cameralists, was /. F. 
Stahl, finally head of the forest administration of 

90 Germany. 

Wiirttemberg, and at the same time lecturer on mathe- 
matics, natural history and forestry at the forest 
school of Solitude (Stuttgart). Although an amateur 
in the field of forestry, he was a good teacher and left 
many valuable and wise prescriptions evolved during 
his administration. 

He compiled in four volumes a dictionary of forest, 
fish and game practice {Onomatologia forestalis- 
piscatoria-venatoria, 1772-1781) and founded the first 
forestry journal. 

Since 1770, forestry courses had been given for the 
cameralists at most of the German universities, and 
many of the professors prepared textbooks for the 
purpose. At least three of these professors deserve 
mention, Beckman, Jung and Trunk. 

The first, /. Beckman, professor of political economy 
at Gottingen, one of the most noted cameralists, was 
author of a work in forty-five volumes on the Prin- 
ciples of German Agriculture (1769), in which he 
devotes sixty-one pages to forestry, giving a complete 
system of forestry, with extracts from all known 
forestry writings. 

/. H. Jung, who gave a special course on forestry 
at the Kameralschule of Lautern, published a text- 
book in 1781 in which forest botany was well 

/. /. Trunk, who was Oberforstmeister in Austria, 
as well as professor at Freiburg, was the most promi- 
nent of the three, and wrote a comprehensive work 
full of practical sense {Neues vollstdndiges Forstlehr- 
huch Oder systematische Grundsdtze des ForstrechteSy 
der Forstpolizei und Forstokonomie, nehst Anhang von 

Forestry Literature. 91 

ausldndischen Holzarten, von Torf und Steinkohlen, 

While at first the ephemeral writings, especially the 
polemic ones of the empiricists, found room in literary 
and cameralistic magazines, the need of a professional 
journal first found expression in 1763, in Stahl's 
Allgemeines okonomisches Forstmagazin, which ran into 
twelve volumes, and contains many articles important 
to the history of forestry, and is especially rich in its 
references to foreign literature. 

Two continuations of the magazine under different 
editorships were of less value. But von Moser's 
For star chiv, running from 1788 to 1807 with its thirty 
volumes, is an authority and a historical source of the 
first rank. 

A very characteristic literature of the last half of the 
18th century consisted in forest calendars in which 
advice as to monthly and seasonal procedures in the 
forest were given, Beckman and Zanthier being among 
the authors. 

III. Development in the Nineteenth Century. 

The last hundred years or so has seen in Germany; 
the development of fully established forest policies) 
and the complete organization of stable forest] 
administrations, based upon thorough and careful; 
recognition of the principles of forest manager! 
ment and intensive application of silvicultuxalj 
methods. J; ^^>A 

92 Germany. 

1. Changes in Property Conditions. 

The change in forest treatment from that prevail- 
ing during the previous period was mainly due to the 
change in property conditions, and especially to the 
establishment of state forests. This change was 
largely the result of the revolutionary movements 
at the beginning of the new century which brought 
about changes in state organizations. In Prussia, 
the princely forest property had been declared state 
domain in 1713, but elsewhere, the public domain had 
been considered the property of the princes in their 
capacity as head of the country, as domanium, out- 
side of their personal private property (Chatullguter). 
The income from this domanium was in part liable to 
be applied to the expenses of the court and of the ad- 
ministration of the realm, to some extent alleviating 
the burdens of taxation. This property arose from 
a variety of relations which have been discussed at 
length in the foregoing chapters. It was derived 
mainly from feudal properties, fiefs of vassalage and 
fiefs of official position, secularized church property 
and other forfeited property, division of mark forests, 
and from allodial possessions of the family. Gradu- 
ally, by agreement with the landed estates, it was 
understood that this property could not be disposed 
of or dissipated by the prince, and was inherited by 
the eldest son together with the princely dignity, 
being an attribute of his position in the state. In 
the reconstruction period of 1806 to 1815, during and 
after the Napoleonic wars, many of the small princes 
lost their seigniorage (Landeshoheit ipso jure), and 

Changes in Property Conditions. 93 

with the loss of the princely dignity, the obligation 
of carrying the expense of court and administration 
naturally falling away, these properties became in 
most cases purely individual property of the former 

Not however, until the revolutionary movements 
of 1848 and even later, was this divorce of the state 
idea from that of the person of the prince everywhere 
accomplished, nor was it carried through without 
many bickerings and quarrels between the princes 
and the representatives of the people, who claimed 
this domanium for the state. In the larger states, 
all this domanial property was finally declared state 
lands, while in the smaller principalities a partition 
of the land between the princes and the state took 
place, or else a relation was established by which 
a part of the revenue resulting from the state lands 
was secured to the princes. 

An increase of the State's property came also during 
the first decade of the century through the abolish- 
ment of cloisters and secularization of church pro- 
perty generally, the lands of both Protestant and 
Catholic church institutions being taken by the 

Curiously enough, at the same time that the idea 
of state forest was being realized, the changes in 
economic thought which brought the principle of 
individualism to the fore gave rise to a movement to 
sell the state properties. This movement was inspired 
by French doctrines, whose influence was at the time 
very strong, by the teachings of Adam Smith who 
held that the state is not fit to conduct business, and 

94 Germany. 

by the hope that in private ownership an improve- 
ment in forest conditions would be more readily 
realized. These ideas by themselves would, probably, 
not have led to the adoption of a policy of sale if it had 
not been for the need for cash which, as a result of 
the French wars, was felt everywhere during the first 
years of the decade. The sale of this property seemed 
to provide a ready means for States to secure funds. 

In Prussia, after the collapse of 1806, this measure 
was widely discussed, and eventually, in 1810 to 
1813, repeatedly instructions for the sale of state 
forest property were issued. There were to be ex- 
cluded from such sales only large complexes of forest, 
those on the sea coast, sand dunes and river fronts, 
where the protection of the forest cover was needed, 
and those which it was desirable to maintain for the 
use of important industrial establishments. Only 
the accession of Hartig (1811), as chief of the forest 
administration which was a branch of the Treasury 
department, prevented the execution of this dis- 
memberment. It was due to him that the difference 
in character between farm and forest property began 
to be recognized,. Although, after 1820, sales of 
forest property took place, they were never a fiscal 
measure, but were made either for the purpose of 
rounding off existing state forest property or paying off 
servitudes, or else in order to turn over agricultural 
soil to farm use.. At present everywhere in Germany 
state properties are on the increase. 

The property conditions of the communal forests 
naturally changed also with the political changes of 
the 19th century, when existing communities were 

Changes in Property Conditions. 95 

made part of the large political machine and changed 
from economic and social to modern political muni- 
cipalities. The ownership conditions, however, were 
not simplified, but as before, remained extremely- 

Of the Mark forest but a very small portion remains 
to-day.. The majority of it had been finally divided 
among the Marker in the first decade of the century, 
and the few remaining parts became independent of 
the political organization and now exist merely in 
the form of appurtenances to certain farm property 
known as Genossenwald (association forests). In 
addition to the variety of communal ownerships ex- 
isting in the preceding period, some new communal 
properties originated from the granting of land in 
the settlement and dissolution of servitudes, whereby 
an undivided property (Interessentenwald) in which 
sometimes even the state retains an interest, came 
into existence. 

. The municipal property of the cities had become 
either the property of the entire community or of 
that part which constituted the real citizenship, or 
at least of a certain class of citizens of the munici- 

The incumbrances which had grown up with regard 
to forest property under the name of servitudes and 
which so much retarded the development of better 
forest management continued into this period, and 
although through the influences of the French revo- 
lution a desire had been stimulated to get rid of all 
curtailments of property, some have persisted to 
this day. Indeed, for a time an increase of these 

96 - Germany. 

servitudes took place, due to the carelessness of forest 
officials in keeping unjustified use of the forest in 
check, when ancient usage of these rights of user was 
claimed and new servitudes were established. 

In Bavaria, it became at last necessary (1852) 
to positively forbid the further establishment of 
new servitudes or rights of user. Laws having in 
view the dissolution or buying out of these rights 
were issued in Bavaria in 1805, and in Prussia in 1821, 
giving the right to forest owners whose properties 
were so encumbered, to call for a division of interests; 
but as at first the only way to settlement was by ex- 
change for definite parcels of forest property, the 
progress in the abolishment of these rights was slow, 
until money exchange was permitted (as in Saxony, 
1832). At the present time, the state forest adminis- 
trations have mostly got rid of these servitudes, or 
at least have progressed so far in their regulation 
that they are now rarely impediments to forest 
management. These peaceable adjustments of the 
rights of user constitute the last act of freeing property 
socially and economically. 

2. Forest Conditions. 

In spite of the sporadic efforts which had been made 
to bring about the recuperation of forest areas during 
the 18th century, the conditions of the forest at the 
beginning of the new century were most pitiable ; the 
division of the Mark, by which the peasants became 
individual owners, profited little, and led to devas- 
tation rather than to improving the condition of the 
property. In addition, export trade in wood had 

Forest Conditions. 97 

become brisk, and the financial depression, a result 
of the French wars, led to increased exploitations, 
which, with the improvement in means of transporta- 
tion, progressed to the more distant forest areas, and 
enlarged the waste area. Especially in the more 
densely populated parts of the country, the deforested 
area widened, and large wastes with poor young 
growth increased in all directions, in the same manner 
as now in the United States. The alarmists had good 
cause for renewing their cries, and, around the year 
1800, a considerable literature sprung up on the sub- 
ject of the threatened timber famine. 

It is interesting to note that at that time the Catalpa 
played a role, at least on paper, as it does in our own 
day, being recommended as the only means of staving 
off the timber famine. A renewed hetulomania spread 
widely over the country. In North Germany especi- 
ally, great efforts were made to replant the denuded 
areas and to change the coppice areas, fit only for 
firewood, to coniferous species, pine, etc., by which 
eventually a great change in the forest type from the 
original mixed forest to the pure forest was effected. 

3. Personnel. 

The great change which led to improved conditions, 
during the first half of the century, was pre-eminently 
due to the knowledge and intelligence of a group of 
men, six in number, competent foresters, who com- 
bined the high grade education of the Cameralists 
with the practitioners' knowledge: Hartig, Cotta, 
Hundeshagen, Koenig, Pfeil and Heyer. These men 
built, to be sure, on the shoulders of their precursors 

98 Germany. 

of the century in which they were born, but, 
being placed in authoritative positions, found better 
opportunities for putting their teachings into 

The first two mentioned were older than the rest, 
and are usually described as the "fathers of modern 
forestry." Born about a year apart, both educated 
at universities, they excelled in both scientific and 
practical directions. 

Georg Ludwig Hartig (1764-1837), studied at the 
University of Giessen and, after having served in 
various functions in various parts of Southern Ger- 
many, became, in 1811, head of the Prussian forest 
administration. He was equally eminent as a practi- 
cal man and organizer, as a writer, and as a teacher. 
In literary direction his work lay not so much in 
developing new ideas as in formulating clearly the 
known ones, as evidenced in his celebrated "General 
Rules" in silviculture. 

Not less than thirty separate publications attest 
his assiduity. Among them stands pre-eminent 
^'Anweisung zur Holzzucht fur Foerster'' (1791; 8th 
edition, 1818). As a teacher he began his work by 
establishing a masterschool (1789-1791) at Hungen, 
transferred to Stuttgart in 1807; and afterwards, as 
head of the Prussian forest administration, he lec- 
tured at the University of Berlin, continuing his 
lectures there, even after the forestry school at Ebers- 
walde had been established, until his death. 

He may be considered as having established on a 
firm basis the forest administration of Prussia; and 
many of the things he instituted still prevail. In 

Leading Foresters. 99 

organizing the service, he introduced fixed salaries, 
he relieved the foresters from financial responsibilities, 
transferring all handling of money to a separate set 
of officials, whereby the temptation to fraudulent prac- 
tice of graft was removed, and he issued instructions 
for the different grades of foresters; and every part of 
this work was all his own. In regulating the forest 
area of the state he developed the volume allotment 
method, which, however, proved too cumbersome 
to be readily applied to large areas. Toward the end 
of his life, his work was not entirely successful, and 
he lost prestige in his later years. 

Heinrich von Cotta (1763-1844) studied at the Uni- 
versity of Jena, and afterwards practiced inThuringia, 
where he established a master school at Zillbach 
(1795). In 1811, he was called to Saxony, as director 
of forest surveys, whither he also transferred his 
school, at Tharandt, which in 1816 was made a state 
institution and is still flourishing. In that year he 
was made the director of the Bureau of Forest Manage- 
ment. Like Hartig, he was eminent in the three 
directions of practical, literary, and educational work, 
but he excelled Hartig in originality, developing new 
principles and thought. Being a good plant-physi- 
ologist and observer of nature, he developed new 
ideas in silviculture, especially with reference to 
methods of thinning, and his '' Anweisiing zum Wald- 
bau,'' written in the simplest, clearest and most force- 
ful manner, forms a classic worthy of study to this 
day. In the field of forest management he became 
the inventor of the area allotment method and the 
originator of the highly developed Saxon forest 


100 Germany. 

management. As a teacher he excelled in clearness, 
exposition, wealth of ideas and geniality. 

Of an entirely different stamp was the third of the 
great masters, Johann Christian Hundeshagen (1783- 
1834), who having studied in Heidelberg, became 
after some years of pracitce, professor of forestry at 
Tuebingen, in 1817, and at Giessen, 1825. He was a 
representative of the theoretical or philosophical side 
of forestry, being highly cultivated and imbued with 
the spirit of science. His bent was to systematize 
the knowledge in existence and extend it by means 
of exact experiments. In forest organization, he 
invented the well known formula method or ''rational 
method " of regulating felling budgets and became also 
one of the founders of Forest Statics (1826) which he 
called "the doctrine of measuring forestal forces," 
being thus the forerunner of modern scientific forestry. 

The fourth of the group, Gottlob Konig (1776-1849) 
was a pracitioner without a university education, 
who had enjoyed the teaching and influence of Cotta 
whom he succeeded in Eisenach as the head of the 
ducal forest administration. He also founded here 
a private forest school, which, in 1830, became a 
state institution, and is still in existence. Konig 
became noted by his contributions to the scientific, 
especially the mathematical side of forestry, develop- 
ing forest mensuration and statics. In this latter 
branch he was the forerunner of Pressler and of the 
modern school of finance. In his " Anleitung zur 
Holztaxation'' (1813) he gives a complete account of 
forest mensuration and in the part devoted to forest 
valuation he develops the first soil rent formula and 

Leading Foresters. 101 

the methods of determining the cost value of stands. 
His "Forest Mathematics" (1835) in which he intro- 
duces factors of form and many other new ideas was 
an original contribution to science. 

Very different in character from these four leaders 
was the aggressive, sharp-witted Friedrich Wilhelm 
Leopold Pfeil (1783-1859), who, without a university 
education, and in spite of his poor knowledge of mathe- 
matics and natural history, advanced himself by 
native wit and genius. After a brief period of em- 
ployment in private service, in the province of Silesia, 
he accepted the position of professor of forestry at 
the Berlin University, in 1821, in connection with 
Hartig, with whom, however, he was at sword's 
point. It was at his instigation, with the assistance 
of von Humboldt, that the school was transferred, 
in 1830, to Eberswalde, Pfeil becoming its director. 

While Hartig was a generalizer, Pfeil was an indi- 
vidualizer, free from dogma, and most suggestive; 
a free lance and a fighter. Critical in the extreme 
and prolific in his literary work, he domineered the 
forestry literature of the day by means of his Kritische 
Blaetter, a journal of much import and merit. 

The youngest of the group, Karl Heyer (1797- 
1856), a thoroughly educated man, combined the 
professorial position in the University of Giessen 
(1835) with practical management of a forest district, 
but in 1834 abandoned the latter in order to devote 
himself entirely to literary work. He was one of the 
clearest and most systematic expounders, and both 
his Waldhau (silviculture, 1854) and his Walder- 
tragsregelung (forest organization, 1841) are classics. 

102 Germany. 

The last, fifth edition of the Waldbau, appearing in 
1906 in two volumes, has been brought up to date 
by Professor Hess. He devised one of the most 
rational methods of forest organization, and, imbued 
with the necessity of basing forest management on 
exact scientific inquiry, instead of on empiricism 
alone, he formulated instructions for forest static 
investigations, a subject which his son, Gustav Heyer, 
elaborated into a science. 

4. Progress in Silviculture. 

Natural regeneration continued to be the favorite 
method well into this period, and, for a long time, 
selection forest and coppice were all that was known 
in practice until Hartig and Cotta forced recognition 
of the shelterwood system. 

The only way in which a transition from the gener- 
ally practiced, unregulated selection forest to an in- 
tensive management was possible, with the ignorant 
personnel of underforesters, was to formulate into 
an easily intelligible prescription the necessary rules, 
allowing the least play to individual judgment. 
This was done by Hartig when he formulated his 
eight "General Rules" (1808) which coincided .also 
closely with the teachings of Cotta. Since these 
rules represent in brief and most definitely the status 
of silvicultural knowledge on natural regeneration 
at the time, it may be desirable to translate them 

(1) "Every forest tree which is expected to pro- 
pagate itself by natural regeneration must be old 
enough to bear good seed. 

Hartig's Rules. 103 

(2) "Every district or stand which is to be replaced 
by a thoroughly perfect stand by means of natural 
regeneration, must be brought into such position 
(density) that the soil may everywhere receive 
sufficient seeding. 

(3) "Each compartment must be kept in such con- 
dition (density) that it cannot, before the seeding 
takes place, grow up to grass and weeds. 

(4) "With species whose seed loses its power of 
germination through frost, as is the case with the 
oak and beech, the compartments must be given 
such a position (density) that the foliage which after 
the fall of seed covers and protects the same cannot 
be carried away by wind. 

(5) "All stands must be given such density that 
the germinating plants in the same, as long as they 
are still tender, find sufficient protection from their 
mother trees against heat of the sun and against cold. 

(6) "So soon as the young stand resulting from 
natural regeneration does not any longer require this 
motherly protection, it must gradually, through the 
careful removal of the mother trees, be accustomed 
to the weather, and finally must be entirely brought 
into the open position. 

(7) "All the young growths, whether secured by 
natural or artificial seeding, must be freed from the 
accompanying less useful species and from weeds, 
if these in spite of all precaution threaten the better 

(8) "From every young forest until it is full grown, 
the suppressed wood must be removed from time to 
time, so that the trees which are ahead or dominate 

104 Germany. 

may grow the better; the upper perfect crown cover, 
however, must not be interrupted until it is the in- 
tention to grow a new forest again in the place of the 
old one." 

Since these rules are applicable only in beech forests, 
much mischief and misconception resulted from their 
generalization; pure, even-aged high forests became 
the ideal, and the mixed forest, which was originally 
the most widespread condition, vanished to a large 
extent,. This was especially unfortunate in Northern 
and Northeastern pine forests. 

A reaction against Hartig's generalization began 
about 1830, under the lead of Pfeil. He had at first 
agreed with Hartig, and then with equal narrowness 
advocated for many years a clear cutting system with 
artificial reforestation. Finally, however, he was 
not afraid to acknowledge that his early generaliza- 
tions in this respect were a mistake, and that differ- 
ent conditions required different treatment. 

In the development of the shelterwood system there 
was at first, under the lead of Hartig, a tendency to 
open up rather sharply, taking out about three- 
fourths of the existing stand, but gradually he became 
convinced that this was too much, and finally reduced 
the first removal to only about one- third of the stand. 
This was the origin of his nickname of Dunkelman. 
In spite of the fact that it was claimed that Cotta 
took the opposite view (for which he was called 
Lichtman), he, too, grew to favor a dark position, 
and, as he progressed, leaned more and more towards 
more careful opening up. Hartig originally recog- 
nized only three different fellings: the cutting for 

Silviculture Practice. 105 

seed; the cutting for light; and the removal cutting. 
By and by, a second cut was made during the seed 
year, and the number of fellings to secure gradual 
removal were increased, so that, by 1801, this system 
seems to have been pretty nearly perfected to its 
modern conditions. The best exposition of this 
Femelschlagbetrieh (shelterwood system), as then de- 
veloped, is to be found in Karl Heyer's Handbook, 

The method was unfortunately extended by Burgs- 
dorf (1787) to the Northern pineries with a seventy 
year period of rotation. Within ten years, however, 
he recognized its inappropriateness, and modified 
it by instructions to leave only six to twelve seed 
trees per acre. His successor, Kropff, reduced the 
number of seed trees to four or five, which were to 
be removed within two or three years. In spite of 
the development of this more rational method, the 
practitioners under Hartig's approval, held mainly 
to a dark position even for pine, much in the manner 
of a selection forest, which produced a poor growth of 
oppressed seedlings, retarding for a long time the 
development of the pineries. 

In spruce or fir, either a pure selection forest or a 
strip system was employed. Attempts at a shelter- 
wood system were made, but experience with the 
wind danger soon taught the lesson that this was not 
a proper method with shallow-rooted species. Even 
Hartig preferred for spruce clearing and planting, and 
this is still the most favored method with that species. 
For the deep-rooted and shade-enduring fir the 
shelterwood method with a long regeneration period 

106 Germany. 

was thoroughly estabHshed in the Black Forest, and 
in Wiirttemberg by 1818. 

Natural regeneration being the main method of 
reproduction until the beginning of the 19th century, 
artificial means, as is evident from the forest ordi- 
nances of Prussia and Bavaria (1812 and 1814), were 
usually applied only to repair fail-places, or to plant 
up wastes. In this artificial reforestation, with the 
exception of the planting of oak in pastures, sowing 
was almost entirely resorted to because it could be done 
cheaper and easier, but as the sowings were mostly 
made on unprepared soil and with very large amounts 
of seed (30 to 60 pounds per acre, now only 7 to 10 
pounds), the results were not satisfactory, either be- 
cause the seed did not find favorable conditions for 
germinating, or when germinated the stand was too 

Planting, if done at all, was done only with wild- 
lings dug from the woods, and usually, following the 
practice of the planting of oak in pastures, with 
saplings: the plant material was too large for success. 
Nurseries, except for oak, were not known, even to 
Cotta in 1817; and Heyer, having to plant up several 
thousand acres, still relied on wildlings, two to three 
years old, which he took up with a ball of earth by 
means of his "hole spade," a circular spade re-invented 
by him and much praised by others. Hartig, in 
1833, still advised the use of four to five year old pine 
wildlings, root-pruned, but, eventually, having met 
with poor success, for which he was much discredited, 
came to the conclusion that un-pruned two-year-old 
plants were preferable. 

SilvicuUural Practice. 107 

The credit of having radically changed these prac- 
tices belongs to Pfeil, who, entirely reversing his 
position, advocated for pine forest a system of clear- 
ing followed by sowing, or by planting of wildlings 
with a ball of earth. Then, suggesting that possibly 
planting without this precaution could be attempted, 
and pointing out the necessity of securing a satis- 
factory root system, he recommended, about 1830, 
the use of one-year-old seedlings grown in carefully 
prepared seed beds. While for securing these, he 
relied upon the simple preparation of the soil by 
spading, Biermans added the use of a fertilizer in 
the shape of the ashes of burned sod. The method 
of growing pine seedlings and planting them when 
one to three years old was further developed by 
Butlar (1845), who introduced the practice of dense 
sowing in the seed beds. He also invented an in- 
genious planting iron or dibble, a half cone of iron, 
which was thrown by the planter with great precision, 
first to make a hole and then to close it. This was 
improved by the addition of a long handle into the 
superior, well-known and much used Wartenherg 
planting dibble. At the same time (1840), Manteuifel 
devised the method known by his name of planting 
in mounds, which is especially applicable on wet soils. 

It was not until 1840 that transplanting of year- 
ling pines with naked roots became general. The 
widespread application of this latter system resulted 
in abandoning to a large extent mixed growth, and 
led to the establishment of pure pine forests, intro- 
ducing thereby most intensively all the dangers 
incident to a clearing system and pure forest which 

108 Germany. 

are avoided by the mixed forest, namely, insects, 
frost and drought. 

A practice of planting spruce in bunches, origi- 
nally twelve to twenty plants in a bunch, had been 
in existence since 1780. This practice increased until 
1850, and is still in use in the Harz mountains and 
in eastern Prussia, although the bunches have been 
reduced so as to contain only from three to five plants, 
the object of the bunching being to make sure that 
one or the other of the plants should live. Much 
discussion as to the merits of this method took place 
between the old masters, Cotta favoring the small 
bunches upon the basis of a successful plantation of 
his own, Hartig and Pfeil opposing it, but finally 
weakening. Since 1850, however, the practice of 
setting out single plants has become more general. 

A reaction from the indiscriminate application of 
the shelterwood method to the hardwoods and of the 
clearing method to the pine set in during the last 
quarter of the 19th century under the lead of Burk- 
hardt and Gayer. These advocated return to mixed 
forest and to natural regeneration with long periods, 
approaching a selection forest. Gayer especially, 
professor of silviculture at Munich, became the fore- 
most apostle of this school. Yet even to this day, the 
principles of silvicultural treatment under the many 
different conditions remain unsettled. On the whole 
however, with the financial question assiduously 
brought forward, the clearing system has made most 
progress, and the selection system has nearly vanished, 
being replaced by the group method and the shelter- 
wood system. 

SilvicuUural Practice.. 109 

A number of special forms of silvicultural manage- 
ment applicable under special conditions have been 
locally developed, without, however, gaining much 
ground and being mainly of historical value. Among 
these may be mentioned Seebach's Modified Beech 
Forest, which consists in opening up a beech stand so 
as to secure regeneration, merely to form a soil cover, 
leaving enough of the old stand on the ground to 
close up in thirty or forty years. By this treatment 
the large increment due to open position is secured 
without endangering the soil. Similarly the Storied 
or Two-aged High forest, was applied to the manage- 
ment of oak forest in mixture with beech. In a few 
localities also, on limited areas, a combination of 
forest and farming (Waldfeldbau) has been continued 
and elaborated, besides the more general use of coppice 
and coppice with standards. 

According to the statistics for 1900 the following dis- 
tribution of the acreage under different silvicultural 
methods prevailed throughout the empire: 

Deciduous Coniferous 

Per cent. Per cent. 

Total Forest 32.5 67.5 

High Forest 18.4 60.1 

Selection Forest 2.3 7.4 

Coppice 6.8 — 

Coppice with standards . . 5. — 

Coniferous forest, of which 68% is pine and 30% 
spruce, prevails in Eastern and Middle Germany, de- 
ciduous forest, of which 20% is oak, the balance 
principally beech, in the West and South. 

110 Germany. 

Coppice and coppice with standards are mostly 
in private hands as well as the coniferous selection 
forest, the State forests being almost entirely high 
forest, i.e., seed forest, other than under selection 

Methods of Improving the Crop. The credit of 
having first systematically formulated the practice 
of thinnings under the name of Durchforstung (for 
the first thinning), Durchplenterung (for the later 
thinnings), belongs to Hartig, although the practice 
of such thinnings had been known and applied here 
and there before his time. He confined himself 
mainly to the removal of the undesirable species, 
dead and dying, suppressed and damaged trees, being 
especially emphatic in his advice not to interrupt the 
crown cover. Excepting the early weeding or im- 
provement cuttings, these thinnings were not to 
begin until the fiftieth to seventieth year in the broad- 
leaved forest, but in conifers in the twentieth to 
thirtieth year. 

The first attempt to explain on a biological basis 
the process and effect of thinning was made by Spath in 
a special contribution (1802). Cotta, in his Silvicul- 
ture, although at first agreeing with Hartig, later in 
his third edition (1821) changes his mind, and im- 
proves both upon the biological explanation of Spath 
and the practice of Hartig, pointing out that the latter 
came too late with his assistance, that the struggle 
between the individuals should be anticipated, and 
the thinning repeated as soon as the branches begin 
to die; but he also recognizes the practical difficulty 
of the application of this cultural measure on account 

Thinning Practice. Ill 

of the expense. Curiously enough, he recommends 
severer thinnings for fuel-wood production than for 
timber forests. 

Pfeil accentuates the necessity of treating different 
sites and species differently in the practice of thin- 
nings. Hundeshagen accentuates the financial result 
and the fact that the culmination of the average yield 
is secured earlier by frequent thinnings. Heyer formu- 
lates the "golden rule:" "Early, often, moderate," 
but insists that first thinning should not be made 
until the cost of the operation can be covered by the 
sale of the material. Propositions to base the phil- 
osophy and the results of thinning on experimental 
grounds rather than on mere opinion were made as 
early as 1825 to 1828, and again from 1839 to 1846, 
at various meetings of forestry associations, until, 
in 1860, Brunswick and Saxony inaugurated the 
first more extensive experiments in thinnings. The 
two representatives of forest finance, Koenig and 
Pressler, pointed out, in 1842 to 1859, the great sig- 
nificance of thinnings in a finance management as 
one of the most important silvicultural operations 
for securing the highest yield. 

In spite of the advanced development of the theory 
of thinning, the practice has largely lagged behind, 
because of the impracticability of introducing inten- 
sive management. Only lately, owing to improve- 
ment in prices and the possibility of marketing the 
inferior material profitably enough to justify the 
expenditure, has it become possible to secure more 
generally the advantages of the cultural effect. Within 
the last thirty or forty years, great activity has been 

112 Germany. 

developed among the experiment stations in securing 
a true basis for the practice of thinning. 

New ideas were introduced through French influ- 
ence and by others independently in the latter part 
of the eighties, when the distinction between the final 
harvest crop (Fr. 61ite, le haut) and the nurse crop 
(le bas) was introduced.* 

The physiological reasons for the practice of thin- 
ning upon experimental basis, advanced were by the 
botanists Goeppert and R. Hartig, and among fores- 
ters, the names of Kraft, Lorey, Haug, Borggreve, 
Wagener, and others are intimately connected with 
the very active discussion of the subject lately going 
on in the magazines. Thinnings have become such 
an important part of the income of forest adminis- 
trations (25 to 40% of the total yield) that the promi- 
nence given to the subject is well justified, and a more 
modern conception of the advantages of thinnings 
and especially of severer thinnings is gaining ground. 

The proposition, now much ventilated, of severe 
opening up near the end of the rotation, in order to 
secure an accelerated increment {Lichtungshiehe) is, 
however, much older; Hossfeld, in 1824, and Jager 
in 1850, advocated this measure for financial reasons, 
while Koenig and Pressler anticipated the develop- 
ment of an individual tree management by pruning, 
and differentiation of final harvest and nurse crop, 
a method which is working itself out at the present 

* The conception of such subdivision and the English nomenclature was inde- 
pendently first employed by he writer in his Report for 1887, as Chief of Forestry 
Division, when discussing planting plans for the prairies. 

Volume Allotment. 113 

5. Methods of Forest Organization. 

As stated before, to Hartig and Cotta belongs the 
credit of having appHed systematically on a large 
scale methods of forest organization for sustained 
yield; Hartig having been active in Prussia since 1811, 
and Cotta beginning to organize the Saxon forests in 
the same year. The method employed by Hartig, 
the so-called volume allotment, had been already 
formulated and its foundation laid by Kregting and 
others (although Hartig seems to have claimed the 
invention). But it was reserved to Hartig to build 
up this method in its detail, and to formulate clearly 
and precisely its application, as well as to improve 
the practice of forest survey, calculation of increment, 
and the making of yield tables. His method involved 
a survey, a subdivision, a construction of yield tables 
and the formulation of working plans, in which the 
principle according to which the forest was to be 
managed during the whole rotation was laid down 
for each district. The rotation was determined, di- 
vided into periods, finally of twenty years, and the 
periodic volume yield represented by all stands was 
distributed through all the periods of the rotation 
in such a manner as to make the periodic felling bud- 
gets approximately equal; or, since the tendency to 
increased wood consumption was recognized, an in- 
crease of the felling budget toward the end of the 
rotation was considered desirable. 

Cotta based his system of forest organization upon 
a method described by a Bavarian, Schilcher (1796); 
it relied primarily upon area rather than volume 

114 Germany. 

division. This method was later on (1817), called 
by him Flaechenfachwerk (area allotment). It divides 
the rotation into periods and allots areas for each 
periodic felling budget. But before this time, in 1804, 
Cotta had himself formulated a method of his own, 
which combined the area and volume method, the 
volume being the main basis and the area being merely 
used as a check. While Hartig dogmatically and per- 
sistently carried out his difficult scheme, Cotta was 
open-minded enough to improve his method of regu- 
lation, and by 1820, in his Anweisung zur Forstein- 
richtung und Abschaetzung, he comes to his final posi- 
tion of basing the sustained yield entirely on the area 
allotment, using the estimate of volume simply to 
secure an approximately uniform felling budget. He 
laid particular stress on orderly procedure in the sub- 
division and progress of the fellings. He did not 
prepare an elaborate working plan binding for the 
entire rotation, but merely prescribed the principles 
of the general management, and, after 1816, he con- 
fined the formulating of felling and planting plans 
only to the next decade. 

A similar method, making a closer combination of 
volume and area allotment, now known as the com- 
bined allotment, in which the area forms the main 
basis for distributing the felling budgets, was pre- 
scribed by Klipstein in 1833. This, also, confines the 
working plan to the first period of the rotation and 
for this period alone makes a rather careful statement 
of the expected volume budget; a new budget is then 
to be determined at the beginning of the next period. 
This idea of confining the budget determination to a 

Normal Stock Methods, 115 

comparatively short period is now generally accepted, 
the future receiving only summary consideration. 

These methods of organization were the ones 
generally applied in practice, and are still with some 
modifications in practical use. About 1820, however, 
new theories were advanced which led to the formu- 
lation of methods based upon the idea of the normal 
forest. The conception of a normal forest, with a 
normal stock, distributed in normal age classes, so as 
to insure a sustained yield management, was evolved, 
in 1788, by an obscure anonymous official in the Tax- 
collector's office of Austria, designed for assessing 
woods managed for sustained yield. This fertile idea, 
which is still the basis of forest organization in Austria, 
and explains better than any other method the prin- 
ciples involved in forest organization, did not find en- 
trance into forestry literature in all its detail until 1811 
when Andre compared this so-called Cameraltaxe with 
Hartig's method of regulation. We find, however, 
that, simultaneously with the Austrian invention of 
this method, Paulsen (1787) proposed to determine 
the felling budget as a relation between normal stock 
and normal yield, and in his yield tables (the first 
of the kind, 1795), he gives the proportion of incre- 
ment to normal stock in percentic relation, so that 
the felling budget may be either expressed as a frac- 
tion of the stock or as a per cent; in beech forests, for 
instance, he determines the felling budget as 3.3% 
on best sites, 2.5% on medium, and 1.8% on poor 

Probably stimulated by Andre's description, Huber 
(1812) developed a method and formula which may 

116 Germany. 

be considered the foundation of the later develop- 
ment by Carl Heyer (Felling budget = I + ). 

Based upon the normal forest idea, a number of 
methods were elaborated which, because of their em- 
ploying a mathematical formula for the determin- 
ation of the felling budget, are known as formula 
methods; they are, indeed modified rational volume 

Hundeshagen has the merit of having first clearly 
explained the basis of these methods, and himself 
developed a formula, of the correctness of which he 
was so convinced as to designate his method as "the 
rational" one. Two other formulae were brought 
into the world by Koenig (1838-1851), but the credit 
of the most complete elaboration both of the principles 
of the normal forest idea and of its practical applica- 
tion belongs to Carl Heyer. The principles of his 
method are briefly: First determine upon the period 
of regulation during which the abnormal forest is 
to be brought nearer to normal conditions; the length 
of this period to be determined with due regard to 
the financial requirements or ability of the owner and 
to the conditions of the forest. The actual stock on 
hand is then determined and the total increment, 
based on the average increment at felling age of each 
stand, which will take place during this period, is 
added. Deducting from this total what has been 
calculated as the proper normal stock requisite for 
a sustained yield management, the balance is avail- 
able for felling budgets which may be utilized in 
annual or periodic instalments during the period of 

Financial Methods. 117 

regulation. A working plan is provided which takes 
care of securing an orderly progress of fellings and 
proper location of age classes, to be revised every ten 

Although this is undoubtedly the most rational 
method yet devised, it has remained largely unused, 
and is found in somewhat modified application only 
in Austria and Baden. 

An entirely new principle in the theory of forest 
organization was introduced, when the aim of forest 
management was formulated to be the highest soil 
rent. According to this requirement the proper 
harvest time of any stand, or even of any tree, was 
to be determined by the so-called index per cent., 
that is, a calculation which determines whether a 
stand or a tree is still producing at a proper predeter- 
mined rate, or is declining. The advocates of this 
principle were especially Pressler (professor of mathe- 
matics at Tharandt, 1840 to 1843) and G. Heyer, son 
of Carl Heyer, who based his method on his father's 
formula, merely introducing values for volumes. 
Judeich, director of the Tharandt school, also developed 
in the sixties a method, based upon financial theory, 
which is to attain the highest rate per cent, on the 
capital invested in forest production. On the basis 
of survey and subdivision of working blocks composing 
a felling series, and with a rotation determined by 
financial calculations with interest accounts, he makes 
a periodic area division for determining the felling 
budget in general, and in addition employs the index 
per cent., as explained, for determining in each allotted 
stand the more exact time for its harvest. 

118 Germany. 

While these men pleaded for a strict finance calcu- 
lation, such as is properly applied to any business 
making financial results the main issue, the defenders 
of the old regime, which sought the object of forest 
management mainly in highest material or value 
production, advanced as their financial program the 
attainment of the highest forest rent as opposed to 
the highest soil rent. They neglected and derided 
the complicated interest calculations which have to 
take into consideratoin uncertain future developments, 
and were satisfied with producing a satisfactory 
balance, a surplus of income over expenses, no matter 
what interest rate on the capital involved in soil and 
forest growth that might represent. 

At the present time these financial propositions 
are still mainly under heated discussion. 

In actual practice, the various state forest adminis- 
trations, with the exception of the Saxon one, con- 
tinue to rely upon the older methods in regulating the 
management of their forest properties without refer- 
ence to financial theories. This is largely due to 
momentum of the practical existence and application 
of these methods in earlier times and the difficulty 
and impracticability of a change. Just now, however, 
several of the State administrations are preparing to 
radically revise their working plans. 

In Prussia, the instructions for working plans 
of 1819 formulated by Hartig were improved upon 
by his successor, Oberlandforstmeister von Reuss 
(1836), and these instructions formed the basis of the 
work of forest regulation until the end of the 19th 
century. It is a periodic area allotment with only a 

Methods of Organization. 119 

summary check by volume. The working plan is 
only to secure a rational location and gradation of 
age classes; the calculations of yields and specific 
rules of management are lately confined to the first 
period and are revised every six years. 

In Saxony, Cotta's area method was systematically 
developed, and, as the larger part of Saxon forests is 
coniferous, mainly spruce, the proper location of age 
classes forms a special consideration for the progress 
of fellings. The determination of volume and incre- 
ment was left to summary estimates, and the area 
division became entirely superior. The original idea 
of Cotta that orderly procedure in the management 
is of more importance than the actual determination 
and equalization of yield still pervades the Saxon 
practice. Since 1860, an attempt has been made to 
calculate the rotation and determine the felling 
budget on the principle of the soil rent, at least as a 
corrective of the annual budget, and in general to 
lean towards Judeich's stand management. 

In Bavaria, after various changes, a complete allot- 
ment method of area and volume had come into 
vogue, in 1819; but ,at the present writing (1911) an 
entirely new and modern re-organization has been 
begun, in which most modern ideas and especially 
much freedom of movement, even to deviation from 
the principle of sustained yield, is allowed. 

In Wiirttemberg, where, in 1818 to 1822, a pure 
volume allotment had been introduced, in 1862 to 
1863 the combined allotment method was begun, 
the felling budget being determined in a general way 
for the next two or three periods, and more precisely 

120 Germany. 

for the first decade, without attempting more than 
approximate equality. 

In 1898, new instructions were issued, which abandon 
the allotment method and restrict the yield regulation 
to designating felling areas for the first period. 

In Baden, where the forest organization began in 
1836 upon the basis of volume allotment, a change 
was made in 1849 to an area allotment, simplifying 
to a greater extent than anywhere else the calcula- 
tion of the yield ; finally, Heyer's method was adopted 
entirely in 1869. 

It appears then that the schematic allotment 
methods found the most general application in the 
earlier time of the period, being favored probably on 
account of their simplicity in application. The im- 
provement in their present application over the 
original methods as designed by Hartig and Cotta, 
is that now they require no volume calculation for 
any long future, but are satisfied with making a 
sufficiently accurate calculation and provision for the 
proper felling budget for the present. 

6. Forest Administration. 

About the middle of the 18th century the recog- 
nition of the importance of forestry led to a sever- 
ance of the forest and hunting interests, and it became 
the practice to place the direction of the former into the 
hands of some more or less competent man — a state 
forester — usually under the fiscal branch or treasury 
department of the general administration. Fully 
organized forest administrations, in the modern sense, 
however, could hardly be said to have existed before 

Forest Administration. 121 

the end of the Napoleonic wars (1815) which had 
undoubtedly retarded the peaceful development of 
this as well as of other reforms. 

The present organization of the large Prussian 
forest department in its present form dates from 1820, 
when Hartig instituted the division into provincial 
administrations, and differentiated them into direc- 
tive, inspection and executive services. The direc- 
tion of the provincial management was placed in the 
hands of an Oberforstmeister, with the assistance of 
a number of Forstmeister, who acted mainly as in- 
spectors, each having his inspection district consisting 
of a number of ranges. The ranges (100,000 to 
125,000 acres) were placed in charge of Oberforster 
or Revierforster, who with the assistance of several 
underforesters (Forster) conducted the practical work. 
At first only indifferently educated, these latter were 
allowed little latitude, but with improvement in their 
education they became by degrees more and more 
independent agents. 

This tri-partite system of directing, inspecting and 
executive of^cers, after various changes in titles and 
functions, finally became practically established in 
all the larger German states; in some rather lately, 
as for instance, in Bavaria, not until 1885, and in 
Wiirttemberg in 1887. 

With this more stable organization, the character 
and the status of the personnel changed greatly: the 
prior right of the nobility to the higher positions, 
which had lasted in some States until 1848, and the 
practice of making connection with military service 
a basis for appointment were abolished, and, instead 

122 Germajty. 

of Cameralists, educated foresters came everywhere 
to the head of affairs. The lower service, which had 
been recruited from hunters and lackeys, and which 
was noted for its low social, moral and pecuniary 
status, was improved in all directions. The change 
from incidentals in the way of fees, and natural in- 
stead of money emolument for the lower grade fores- 
ters, (which had been the rule, and still play a role 
even to date), to definite salaries, and the salutary 
change of methods in transacting business, which 
Hartig introduced, became general. With the de- 
velopment and improvement of forestry schools, the 
requirement of a higher technical education for posi- 
tions in State service could be enforced. Yet only 
within the last twenty-five or thirty years, has the 
ranking position of forest officers been made adequate 
and equalized with that of other public officials of 
equal responsibility, and still later have their salaries 
been made adequate to modern requirement. 

The central administration now lies in the hands 
of technical men {Oherlandforstmeister) with a council 
of technical deputies (Landforstmeister) all of whom 
have passed through all the stages of employment 
from that of district managers up. This central office 
or "division of forestry" is either attached to the 
department of agriculture, or to that of finance, and 
has entire charge of the questions of personnel, direc- 
tion of forest schools, of the forest policy of the ad- 
ministration, and the approval of all working plans, 
acting in all things pertaining to the forest service 
as a court of last resort. The working plans are made 
and revised by special commissioners in each case, 

Forest Administration. 123 

or, as in Saxony, under the direction of a special 
bureau, with the assistance of the district manager. 
Upon the basis of the general working plan prepared 
by these commissions, an annual plan is elaborated 
by the district managers with consultation and ap- 
proval of the provincial and central administration. 
These plans contain a detailed statement of all the 
work to be done through the year, the cost of each item, 
and the receipts expected from each source. This 
annual working plan requires approval by the pro- 
vincial administration, which is constituted as a 
deliberative council, consisting of a number of Forst- 
meister with an Oberforstmeister as presiding officer. 
The titles of these officers, to be sure, and the details 
of procedure vary somewhat in different states, but 
the system as a whole is more or less alike. 

The district manager or Oberforster, now often 
called Forstmeister, has grown in importance and 
freedom of position, although his district has grown 
smaller (mostly not over 25,000 acres), and, being 
one of the best educated men in the country district, 
he usually holds the highest social position, although 
his emoluments are still moderate. He holds many 
offices of an honorary character, as for instance that 
of justice of the peace, and the position of states* 
attorney or public prosecutor in all cases of infraction 
of the forest laws. These forest laws are still largely 
local, i.e., State laws, although the criminal code of 
the empire has somewhat unified practice. 

Curiously enough, wood on the stump is still not 
considered property in the same sense as other things, 
so far as theft is concerned; the stealing of growing 

124 Germany. 

timber is not even called theft, the word used in the 
laws being Frevel (tort), and, like other infractions 
against forest laws, it is punished by a money fine, 
more or less in proportion to the value of the stolen 
material or the damage suffered. This money fine 
may be transmuted into imprisonment or forest 
labor, but corporal punishment, which still prevailed 
in the first decades of the century, has been abolished. 
Wood stealing was very general and rampant during 
the beginning of the century, but improvement in 
the condition of the country population and in the 
number and personnel of the forest officers since 1850 
has now reduced it to a minimum. 

Formerly, and until 1848, the administrators and 
even the forest owners acted at the same time as 
prosecutor, judge and executioner, and only in 1879, 
was this condition everywhere and entirely changed, 
and infractions against forest laws adjudged by 
regular courts of law, holding meetings at stated 
times for the prosecution of such infractions. 

Nevertheless, the court proceedings in forest matters 
still vary from the usual court practice, providing 
a simpler, cheaper and more ready disposal of testi- 
mony and witnesses, and quicker retribution, which 
is largely rendered possible through having every 
forest officer under oath as a sheriff, and his statement, 
and perhaps the confiscated tools employed in the 
theft, being accepted as prima facie evidence of the 

The social position of the underforesters and the 
forest protective service has also been improved 
until all charges of incompetency and immorality. 

Restrictions in Forest Use. 125 

which were not undeserved even until past the middle 
of the nineteenth century, have become reversed; 
the forest service being morally on as high a plane as 
all the departments of German administrations. 

7. Forest Policy. 

During the first half of the century the old concep- 
tion of Forsthoheit — superior right of the princes to 
supervise and interfere with private property — 
changed into the more modern conception of the 
police function of the state, and, by 1850, after the 
revolutionary period, the seignorage of the princes 
had passed away. The issue of forest ordinances (the 
last in 1840) was replaced by the enactment of forest 
laws which, since the establishment of representative 
government, has become a function of legislatures. 

The tendency to restrict the exercise of private 
property rights had been assailed by the theories of 
Laissez faire and the teachings of Adam Smith, and, 
as a consequence, all the restrictive mandates of the 
older forest ordinances had been weakened and had 
more of less fallen into disuse. Especially the attempts 
to influence prices and markets had nearly if not en- 
tirely vanished during the first decade. Only for the 
state forest, it was still thought desirable to predeter- 
mine wood prices, or at least keep rates low, because 
wood was a necessary material for the industries. 
This theory prevailed until, perhaps under the lead 
of Hundeshagen (see above), the propriety of securing 
the highest soil rent was recognized as the proper aim, 
when the practice of selling wood at auction in order 
to secure the best prices became the rule. 

126 Germafiy. 

The regulations regarding export and import be- 
tween the different States, which had been enacted 
under the mercantiUstic teachings of the last century 
(see page 52), and the many tariffs which impeded 
a free exchange of commodities, lasted for a long 
while into the 19th century, and were not all abolish- 
ed until 1865, when under the lead of Prussia, the 
North German Federation instituted the Zollverem 
(Tariff alliance) which aboHshed not only all tariffs 
between the States of the Federation, but also tariffs 
on wood products against the outside world. Import 
duties were, however, again established in 1879, and 
the policy of protecting the established organized 
forest management against competition by importa- 
tions from exploiting countries has been again and 
again recognized as proper in the revision of tariff 
rates and railroad freight rates on the government 

During the first decades of the century, the supply 
question was uppermost, and although such men as 
Pfeil (1816) laughed at the idea of a wood famine, 
there was good reason, prior to the development of 
railroads, of coal fields, of iron and steel manufac- 
tures, etc., for discussing with apprehension the area 
and condition of supply and the extent of the con- 
sumption. Nevertheless, the attitude of the state 
toward private property was much more influenced 
by the economic theories then prevalent, which taught 
the ideas of private liberty to which the French 
Revolution had given such forcible expression. 

With the change of municipal communities from 
mere associations with common material interest into 

State Supervision. 127 

units or parts of political or state machines, also inde- 
pendence in the management of their property was 
secured, and many of the old restrictions which had 
circumscribed this right fell away. Curiously enough, 
during the French domination under Napoleon, the 
new masters, forgetting the spirit of the revolutionary 
period, introduced the prescriptions of the old French 
ordinance of 1669 which restricted the use of com- 
munal property to the extent of excluding the 
owners entirely from the managenmet of their pro- 
perty, and placed it under government officers. After 
the French withdrew, this method, of course, collapsed, 
although it probably had an influence on the final 
shaping of forest policies in these respects. Alto- 
gether, there was such variety of historic development 
in the different parts of Germany that it is not to be 
wondered at that one finds a great variety of policies 
still prevailing not only in different States but in 
different localities of the same State. 

At the present time three different principles in the 
relations of the state to the corporation forests may 
be recognized, namely, entire freedom, excepting so 
far as general police laws apply, which is the case 
with most of the corporation forests in Prussia (law 
of 1876) ; special supervision of the technical manage- 
ment under approved officials w^ith proper education, 
which is the case in Saxony, most of Bavaria, the 
Prussian provinces of Westphalia, Rhineland and 
Saxony, and in some of the smaller states; or lastly, 
the absolute administration by the state, which pre- 
vails in Baden, parts of Bavaria, provinces Hesse- 
Nassau, and Hanover. The tendency, however, in 

128 Germany. 

modern times appears to be toward a more strict 
interpretation of the obligation of the state to prevent 
mismanagement of the communal property. 

Private forest property, which during the preced- 
ing century had been largely under restrictions, first 
under the application of the hunting right, and then 
under the fear of a wood famine, became in the first 
decades of the century under the influences already 
mentioned, almost entirely free, all former policies 
being reversed; indeed Prussia, in 1811, issued an 
edict insuring absolutely unrestricted rights to forest 
owners, permitting partition and conversion of forest 
properties, and even denying in such cases the right of 
interference on the part of possessors of rights of user. 

This policy of freedom was also applied, although 
less radically, in Bavaria, except as to smaller owners. 
The result was, to a large extent, the increase of ex- 
ploitation and forest devastation, creating wastes 
and setting shifting sand and sanddunes in motion. 
The reaction, which set in against this unrestricted 
use of forest property, resulted in Prussia not in re- 
newal of restrictive measures, but in the enactment 
of promotive ones. The law of 1875 sought improve- 
ment by encouraging small owners to unite their 
properties under one management; but the expecta- 
tions which were founded on this ameliorative policy 
seem so far not to have been realized. 

This promotive policy has especially since 1899 
found expression in the institution in many pro- 
vinces of information bureaus, which give technical 
advice, make working plans, secure plant material 
and give other assistance to woodland owners. 

State Supervision. 129 

A new relation, however, of a conservative character 
arose by the establishment of the entail, i.e., a con- 
tract made by the head of the family with the govern- 
ment under which the latter assumes the obligation 
of forever preventing the heirs from disposing of, 
diminishing, or mismanaging their property. As a 
result of this arrangement, many of the larger private 
forest properties are forced to a conservative manage- 
ment, not as a direct influence of the law, but as a 
matter of agreement. The condition of state super- 
vision of private and communal forest property at 
present prevailing is expressed in the following state- 
ment of divisions by property classes of forest areas 
of Germany, which shows that at least 63.9% are 
under conservative management: 

Total Forest 34,769,794 acres. 

Crown forest 1-8% 

State forest 31.9% 

Corporation forest 16.1% 

Institute forest 1-5% 

Association forest 2.2% 

Private forest (10.4% entail) 46.5% 

Until the beginning of the present century, the pro- 
tective function of the forest had played no role in the 
arguments for state interference, but just about the 
beginning of the century cries were heard from France 
that, owing to the reckless devastation of the 
Vosges and Jura Alps by cutting, by fires and over- 
grazing, brooks had become torrents, and the valleys 
were inundated and covered by the debris and silt of 

130 Germany. 

the torrents. A new aspect of the results of forest 
devastation began to be recognized, which found 
excellent expression in a memoir by Moreau de Jonnes 
(Brussels, 1825), on the question "What changes does 
denudation effect on the physical condition of the 
country." This being translated into German by 
Wiedenmann, was widely spread, being interestingly 
written, although not well founded on facts of natural 
history and physical laws. Nevertheless, sufficient 
experience as regards the effect of denudation in 
mountainous countries had also accumulated in south- 
west Germany and in the Austrian Alps, and the 
necessity of protective legislation was recognized. 
This necessity first found practical expression in the 
Bavarian law of 1852, in Prussia in 1875, and inWiirt- 
temberg in 1879. But a really proper basis for formu- 
lating a policy or argument for protective legislation 
outside of the mountainous country is still absent, 
although for a number of years attempts have been 
made to secure such basis. 

8. Forestry Science and Literature.* 

The habit of writing encyclopaedic volumes, which 
the Cameralists and learned hunters had inaugurated 
in the preceding century, continued into the new one, 
and we find Hartig, Cotta, Pfeil and Hundeshagen each 
writing such encyclopedias. Carl Heyer began one in 
separate volumes, but completed only two of them. 
Even an encyclopaedic work in monographs by several 

*The necessarily brief statements which are made under this heading pre- 
suppose knowledge of the technical details to which they refer. In this short 
history it was possible only to sketch rapidly the development of the science in 
terms familiar to the professional man. 

Literature on Silviculture. 131 

authors was undertaken as early as 1819 by /. M. 
Bechstein, who with his successors brought out four- 
teen volumes, covering the ground pretty fully. 
While in the earlier stages the meager amount of 
knowledge made it possible to compress the whole 
into small compass, the more modern encyclopaedias 
of Lorey, Furst and Dombrowski arose from the oppo- 
site consideration, namely, the need of giving a com- 
prehensive survey of the large mass of accumulated 

Since 1820, monographic writings, however, became 
more and more the practice. Among the volumes 
which treat certain branches of forestry monographi- 
cally, the works of the masters of silviculture, Cotta, 
Hartig and Heyer, based on their experiences in west 
and middle Germany, and of Pfeil, referring more 
particularly to North German conditions, were follow- 
ed by the South German writers, Gwinner (1834), and 
Stumpf (1849). In 1855, H. Burkhardt introduced in 
his classic Sden und Pflanzen a new method of treat- 
ment, namely, by species., and after 1850, when the 
development of general silviculture had been accom- 
plished, such treatment by species became frequent. 
Of more modern works on general silviculture elaborat- 
ing the attempts at reform of old practices those of 
Gayer (1880), Wagener (1884), Borggreve (1885), Ney 
(1885), all writing in the same decade, are to be especi- 
ally mentioned. In this connection should be also 
noticed Filrst's valuable collective work on nursery 
practice {Pflanzenzucht im Walde, 1882). 

At present the magazine literature furnishes ample 
opportunity to discuss the development of methods in 


132 Germany. 

all directions. The text books at present appearing 
seem to be justified by or intended mainly for the 
needs of the teacher and rarely for the practitioner. 
Such a text book is that by Weise. But the latest 
contributions to silvicultural literature by Wagner 
(1907), and Mayr (1909) are works of a new order, 
utilizing broader ecological knowledge. 

Other branches than silviculture were similarly first 
treated in comprehensive volumes and then in mono- 
graphic writings on special subjects of the branch. 
The literature on forest utilization covering the whole 
field, was enriched especially by Pfeil, Koenig, Gayer, 
and Fiirst. The first investigation into the physical 
and technical properties of wood was conducted by 
G. L. Hartig himself, followed by Theodor Hartig, 
and the subject has been most broadly treated by 
H. Noerdli7iger (1860). In later years, Schwappach's 
investigations deserve special mention. 

The question of means of transportation gradually 
became also a subject capable of monographic treat- 
ment and a series of books came out on locating and 
building forest roads. Braun issued such a book in 
1855 for the plains country, and Kaiser (1873) for 
the mountains, also Milhlhausen (1876), who had been 
commissioned to locate a perfect road system over 
the demonstration forest at the forest academy of 
Muenden. Only within the last quarter of the cen- 
tury were railroads introduced into the economy of 
forest management. The first comprehensive book 
on the subject of logging railroads was issued by 
Foerster (1885), and a later one by Runnehaum. 
Stoetzer (1903) furnished in his compact style the 

Literature on Forest Utilization. 133 

latest discussion on the subject of roads and rail- 

A very comprehensive literature on the value of 
forest litter was brought into existence by the estab- 
lished usage of small farmers of supplying their lack 
of straw for bedding and manure by substituting the 
litter raked from the forest. Hartig and Hundeshagen 
were active in the discussion of this subject as well 
as almost every other forester, the discussion being, 
however, mainly based on opinions. But, after 1860, 
the subject became so important both to the poor 
farming population and to the forest, which was 
being robbed of its natural fertilizer, that a more 
definite basis for regulating its use was established 
by analysis and by experiments at the experimental 

With the inauguration of the various methods of 
forest organization described before, there naturally 
went hand in hand the development of methods of 
measurement. Better forest surveys developed rapidly, 
the transit generally replacing the compass and plane 
table. At this period the necessity for books teaching 
the important methods of land survey was met by 
Baur (1858) and by Krafft (1865). This subject does 
no longer occupy a place in forestry literature, the 
knowledge of it being taken for granted. 

On the other hand the subject oi forest mensuration 
which formerly was generally treated in connection 
with forest organization has developed into a branch 
by itself, and has been very considerably developed 
in its methods and instruments, making a tolerably 
accurate measurement of forest growth possible. 

134 Germany. 

although many unsolved problems are still under 
investigation. Still, late into the century it was cus- 
tomary to measure only circumferences of trees, by 
means of a chain or band, although an instrument for 
measuring diameters is mentioned by Cotta, in 1804, 
and by Hartig, in 1808. Schcener and Richter are in 
1813 mentioned as inventors of the first "universal 
forest measure" or caliper. The improvement of 
calipers to their modern efficiency has been carried 
on since 1840 by Carl and Gustav Heyer and by many 
others until now self-recording calipers by {Reuss, 
Wimmenauer, etc.) have become practical instruments. 
For measuring the heights of trees, Hossfeld had 
already a satisfactory instrument in 1800; a very large 
number of improvements in great variety followed, 
with Faustmann's mirror hypsometer probably in the 
lead. As a special development for measuring dia- 
meters at varying heights Pressler's instrument should 
be mentioned, and a very complicated but extremely 
accurate one constructed by Breyman?i. 

Various formulas for the computation of the con- 
tents of felled trees had already been developed by 
Oettelt and others in the eighteenth century and a 
formula by Huber, using the average area multiplied 
by length was definitely introduced in the Prussian 
practice in 1817. The names of Smalian, Hossfeld, 
Pressler and others are connected with improvements 
in these directions. 

The idea of form factors and their use was first de- 
veloped by Huber, who made three tree classes 
according to the length of crowns, measured the dia- 
meters six feet above ground, and used reduction 

Literature on Forest Mensuration. 135 

factors of .75, .66, .50 for the three classes. But the 
first formula for determining form factors is credited 
to Hossfeld (1812). Hundeshagen and Koenig also 
occupied themselves with elaborating form factors. 
Smalian (1837) introduced the conception of the 
normal or true form factor relating it to the area at 
one-twentieth of the height. An entirely new idea 
has lately been introduced by Schiffel, an Austrian 
German, under the name of form quotient, placing 
two measured diameters in relation. 

Volume tables giving the volumes of trees of varying 
diameters and height were already in use to some 
extent in the 18th century; Cotta gives such for beech 
in 1804, and, in 1817, furnished a new set of so-called 
normal tables which were, however, based upon the 
assumption of a conical form of the tree. Koenig 
perfected volume tables by introducing further classi- 
fication into five growth classes (1813), published 
volume tables for beech and other species, and, in 
1840, published volume tables not for single trees but 
for entire stands per acre classified by species, height 
and density; using the so-called space number which 
he had developed in 1835 to denote the density. It 
is interesting to note that these tables, which he called 
Allgemeine WaldschcBtzungstafeln, were made for the 
Imperial Russian Society for the Advancement of 

In 1840 and succeeding years, the Bavarian govern- 
ment issued a comprehensive series of measurements 
and a large number of form factors, which were 
used in constructing volume tables; these were found 
to be so well made and so generally applicable that 

136 Germany. 

they were used in all parts of Germany and, trans- 
lated into meter measurement by Behm (1872), are 
still generally in use, although new ones based upon 
further measurements have been furnished by Lorey 
and Kuntze. 

For arriving at the volume of stands, estimating 
was relied upon long into the nineteenth century, 
although Hossfeld, in 1812, introduced measuring, 
and the use of the formula AHF, in which A was the 
measured total cross-section area of the stand, H and 
F the height and form factors, the latter being at that 
time still estimated. He first made form classes for 
the same heights, but, in 1823, simplified the method 
by assuming an average form factor for the whole 
stand. Even in 1830, Kcenig still estimated the form 
factor, although he introduced the measurement of 
the cross-section area and determined the height in- 
directly as an average of measurements of several 
height classes, but Huber (1824) knew how to measure 
both the average height and form factor by means of 
an arithmetic sample tree. This method found en- 
trance into the practice and held sway until about 
1860, when the well-known improvements by Draudt 
and Urich supplanted it. These last mentioned 
methods have become generally used in the practice, 
while other methods, like R. Hartig's and Pressler's, 
have remained mainly theoretical. 

The study of the increment and the making of 
yield tables which had been inaugurated toward the 
end of the last century, by Oetellt, Paulsen, Hartig, 
and others, was just at the end of that century placed 
upon a new basis through Spdth (1797), who con- 

Development of Forest Mensuration. 137 

structed the first growth curves by plotting the cubic 
contents of trees of different ages, and through Seutter 
(1799) by introducing stem analysis, on which he 
based his yield tables. 

On the shoulders of these, Hossfeld (1823) built, 
when he conceived the idea of using sample plots for 
continued observation of the progress of increment, 
and he also taught the method of interpolation with 
limited measurements, laying the basis for quite 
elaborate formulae. But the first normal yield tables, 
based on the average trees of an index stand, were 
published by Huber (1824) and, in the same year, by 
Hundeshagen. From that time on, yield tables were 
constructed by many others, but only since the Ex- 
periment stations undertook to direct their con- 
struction is the hope justified of securing this most 
invaluable tool of forest management in reliable and 
sufficiently detailed form. Even the newest tables 
are, however, still deficient, especially in the direction 
of detailed information regarding the division into 
assortments. The yield tables of Baur, Kuntze, 
Weise, Lorey, and others are now superseded by those 
of Schwappach for pine and spruce, and of Schuberg 
for fir. 

As a result of the many yield tables which gradu- 
ally accumulated, the laws of growth in general be- 
came more and more cleared up and finally permitted 
their formulation as undertaken by R. Weber {Forst- 
einrichtung, 1891). 

The idea of using the percentic relations for stating 
the increment, and of estimating the future growth 
upon the basis of past performance for single trees was 

138 Germany. 

known even to Hartig (1795) and Cotta (1804) who 
published increment per cent, tables. The methods 
of making the measurements of increment on standing 
trees were especially elaborated by Koenig, Karl, 
Edward and Gustav Heyer, Schneider (his formula, 
1853), Jaeger, Borggreve, and especially by Pressler 
(1860) who opened new points of view and increased 
the means of studying increment by causing the con- 
struction of the well-known increment borer, and in 
other ways. 

The most modern text-book which treats fully of 
all modern methods of forest mensuration giving also 
their history is that of Udo Milller {Lehrhuch der 
Holzmesskunde, 1899), superseding such other good 
ones, as those of Baur (1860-1882), Kuntze (1873), 
Schwappach (short handbook, last edition 1903). 

The many sales of forest property which took place 
at the beginning of this period naturally stimulated 
the elaboration of methods of forest valuation. Even 
the soil rent theory finds its basis at the very beginning 
(1799) in a published letter by two otherwise unknown 
foresters (Bein and Eyber), who proposed to deter- 
mine the value of a forest by discounting the value 
of the net yield with a limited compound interest 
calculation to the 120th year. This idea was elabor- 
ated, in 1805, by Ncerdlinger and Hossfeld into the 
modern conception of expectancy values, and the 
now familiar discount calculations were inaugurated 
by them. Cotta and Hartig participated also in the 
elaboration of methods of forest valuation; Cotta 
writing his manual in 1804, recognizes the propriety 

Development of Forest Finance. 139 

of compound interest calculations, while Hartig, 1812, 
still uses only simple interest, and exhibits in his 
book as well as in his instructions for practice in the 
Prussian state forests rather mixed notions on the 

Altogether, even in the earlier part of the period, 
there arose considerable difference of opinion and 
warm discussions, in which all the prominent foresters 
took part, as to the use of interest rates and methods 
of calculation. But this warfare broke into a red hot 
flame when Faustmann (1849) with much mathe- 
matical apparatus developed his formula for the soil 
expectancy value, and when Pressler and G. Heyer 
transferred the discussion into statical fields, making 
the question of the financial rotation the issue. Then 
the advocates of the soil rent and of the forest rent 
theories ranged themselves in opposite camps. This 
war of opinions, although abated in fervor, still con- 
tinues, and the issue is by no means settled. 

The discussion of what should be considered the 
proper felling age or rotation naturally occupied the 
minds of foresters from early times; a maximum 
volume production being originally the main aim. 
As early as 1799, Seutter had recognized the fact that 
the culmination of volume production had been 
obtained when the average accretion had culminated. 
Hartig, in 1808, made the distinction of a physical, 
an economic and a mercantilistic, i.e., financial felling 
age, and Pfeil, considerably ahead of his time, is the 
first to call (1820) for a rotation based on maximum 
soil rent. As, however, he had so often done, he 
changed his mind, and while he first advocated even 

140 Germany. 

for the state a management for the highest interest 
on the soil capital involved, he later rejected such 
money management. About the same time Hundes- 
hagen clearly pointed out the propriety and proper 
method of basing the rotation on profit calculations, 
but it was reserved for a man not a forester to stir 
up the modern strife for the proper financial basis, 
namely Pressler, a professor of mathematics at 
Tharandt, who became a sharp critic of existing forest 
management, and developed to the extreme the net 
yield theories. 

It was then that the danger of a shortening of the 
existing rotations, due to the apparent truth that 
long rotations were unprofitable, called for a division 
into the two camps alluded to ; G. Heyer, Judeich and 
Lehr, elaborated especially the mathematical methods 
of the soil rent theory, Kraft and Wagener came to the 
assistance of Pressler, while Burkhardt, Bose, Baur, 
Borggreve, Dankelmann, Fischbach and others, pleaded 
for a different policy for the state at least, namely, 
the forest rent with the established rotations. 

As in the previous period, the mathematical sub- 
jects, namely, forest measurement and forest valua- 
tion, were more systematically developed than the 
natural history basis of forestry practice; the slower 
progress of the latter being caused by the greater 
difficulties of studying natural history and of utilizing 
direct observation. 

In botanical direction, descriptive forest botany was 
first developed, and several good books were published 
by Walther, Borkhausen, Bechstein, Rerun, the latter 

Development of Natural History. 141 

(1814), of high value, and also by Behlen, Gwinner and 

In the direction of plant physiology, Cotta, early and 
creditably, attempted (1806) to explain the move- 
ment and function of sap, but remained unnoticed. 
Mayer's (1805-1808) essay on the influence of the 
natural forces on the growth and nutrition of trees, 
contains interesting physiological explanations for 
advanced silvicultural practice. But these sporadic 
attempts to secure a biological basis were soon for- 
gotten. Not until Theodor Hartig (1848) published 
his Anatomy and Physiology of Woody Plants was 
the necessity for exact investigation of forest biology 
as a basis for silvicultural practice fully recognized. 
With the development of general biological botany 
or ecology, a new era for silviculture seems to have 
arrived,. Perhaps in this connection there should 
be mentioned as one of the earlier important contri- 
butions of much moment, G. Heyer's Verhalten der 
Bdume gegen Licht und Schatten (1856) in which the 
theory of influence of light and shade on forest de- 
velopment was elaborated. 

Among those who placed the study of pathology of 
forest trees on a scientific basis should be mentioned 
first Willkomm (1876), followed by R. Hartig. 

In zoology, the early writers began with a descrip- 
tion of the biology of game animals. Next, interest 
in forest insects became natural, and, in 1818, Bech- 
stein in his Encyclopaedia devoted one volume (by 
Scharfenberg) to the natural history of obnoxious 
forest insects. Toward the middle of the century, 
with the planting of large areas with single species, 

142 Germany. 

insect pests increased, hence the interest in the Hfe 
histories of the pests grew and gave rise to the cele- 
brated work by Ratzeburg, ''Die Waldbverderher und 
Ihre Feinde" (1841). A number of similar hand-books 
on insects and on other zoological subjects followed; 
the latest, a most complete work on insects, being 
still based on Ratzeburg's work, is that of Judeich and 
Nitzsche, in two volumes (1895). Of course, the 
general works on forest protection always included 
chapters on forest entomology. The first of these 
text-books on forest protection was published by 
Laurop (1811), and others by Bechstein, Pfeil, Kaus- 
chinger and recently by Hess (1896), and Ftirst (1889). 

Knowledge of the soil was but poorly developed in 
the encyclopaedic works of the earlier part of the period. 

Not till Liebig's epochmaking investigations was a 
scientific basis secured for the subject. Then be- 
came possible the improvements in the contents of 
such works as Grebe (1886), Senft (1888), and of Gus- 
tav Heyer, whose volume {Lehrbuch der Forstlichen 
Bodenkunde und Klimatologie, 1856), well records 
the state of knowledge at that time. But only since 
then has this field been worked with more scientific 
thoroughness by Ebermayer, Schroeder, Weber, Wollny, 
and by Ramann, whose volume on Bodenkunde 
(1893) may be still considered the standard of the 
present day (newest edition, 1910). 

The question of the climatic significance of forests 
is one which first became recognized as capable of 
solution by scientific means when the movement for 
forest experiment stations began to take shape and 

Literature on Forest Policy. 143 

the systematic collecting of observed data was at- 
tempted. Most of the problems are still unsolved. 

With the aspects of political economy in reference 
to forest policy the foresters had occupied themselves 
but little, leaving the shaping of public opinion to 
the Cameralists, whose influence lasted long into the 
century. These produced a good deal of literature in 
the early years of the century when the question of 
retaining or selling state forests was under discussion, 
and, under the influence of the teachings of Adam 
Smith, their opinion was mostly favorably to sale. 
Only gradually was the propriety of state forests 
recognized by them, till finally the leading economists, 
Rau, Roscher and Wagner, took a decided stand in 
favor of this view. 

The foresters naturally were for retention of the 
existing State properties, but one-sided mercantilistic 
views regarding their administration persisted with 
them till modern times. 

Wedekind, as early as 1821, advocated the theory 
which is now becoming a practice, that the state should 
not only retain, but increase its present forest property 
by purchase of all absolute forest soil for the purpose 
of reforestation. The erratic and radical Pfeil alone 
was found with the Cameralists on the opposite side 
in 1816, but, by 1834, he had entirely gone over to 
the side of the advocates of state forest, declaring 
anyone who opposed them fit for the lunatic asylum. 

Division of opinions existed also regarding the super- 
vision by the state of private and communal forests. 
The political economists were inclined to reduce, the 

144 Germany. 

foresters to increase supervision, excepting again Pfeil 
in his earlier writings: he modified his views later by 
recognizing supervision as a necessary evil. Cotta, 
who was inclined to favor free use of forest property 
sought to meet the objections to such free use by 
increasing the state property. 

The main incentive urged by the earlier advocates of 
state supervision was the fear of a timber famine. This 
argument vanished, however, with the development 
of railroads, and was then supplanted by the argu- 
ment of the protective functions of the forest, a classi- 
fication into supply forests and protective forests 
suggesting differences of treatment. Nevertheless, 
the belief that absolute freedom of property rights 
in the forest is not in harmony with good political 
economy — a belief correct because of the long time 
element involved — still largely prevails. The diffi- 
culty, however, of supervising private ownership, 
and the advantages of state ownership find definite 
expression in the policy which Prussia especially is 
now following, in acquiring gradually the mismanaged 
private woodlands and impoverished farm areas for 
reforestation, making annual appropriations to this 
end. Many other states also are beginning to see 
the propriety of this movement. 

On the whole the systematic study of the economics 
of forestry has been rather neglected by foresters, 
although the subject was discussed by early writers, 
Meyer, Latirop, Pfeil, and in modern times by R. 
Weber, Lehr and Schwappach ("Forstpolitik," 1894). 
The latest comprehensive volume on this subject 
comes from Endres (1905). 

Forestry Education. 145 

9. Means of Advancing Forestry Science. 

During the century, the means of increasing know- 
ledge in forestry matters have grown in all directions ; 
schools, associations, journals and prolific literature 
attesting the complete establishment of the profession 
and practice. 

The master schools which began to take shape at 
the end of the last century, and a number of which 
were found in the beginning of the century as private 
institutions, were usually either of short duration or 
were changed into state institutions: they became 
either "middle schools" for the lower service, or else 
academies. For the higher education, the chairs of 
forestry at the universities continued to do service, 
as at Heidelberg, Giessen, Leipzig, Berlin, etc., but, 
as these were mostly occupied by Cameralists (al- 
though Hartig in 1811 filled a chair at Berlin), and 
were intended for the benefit of such rather than of 
professional foresters, the education of the latter was 
somewhat neglected. Most of the existing institutions 
had their beginnings in private schools. Both these 
and the state schools passed through many changes. 
The first high class forest academy was established 
at Berlin directly by the State, in 1821, in connection 
with the university. Here, Pfeil was the only professor 
of forestry subjects, the other subjects being taught 
by other university professors. The fact that in the 
absence of railroads a demonstration forest was not 
easily accessible, and perhaps the friction between 
Pfeil and Hartig brought about a transfer to Neustadt- 
Eberswalde, in 1830, with two professors till 1851, 

146 Germany. 

when a third professor was added (now 16 with 8 
assistants!). At the same time the lectures at Berlin 
were continued by Hartig, until 1837. 

In Saxony, Cotta's private school became a state 
institution in 1816, the forest academy of Tharandt, 
with six teachers (now 13), and later, in 1830, an 
agricultural school was added to it. 

In Bavaria, a private school was begun in 1807 at 
Aschaffenburg. It was made a state institution, 
divided into a higher and lower school, in 1819, but 
was closed in 1832 on account of interior troubles and 
inefficiency. It was re-opened and re-organized in 
1844 with four teachers, and was intended to prepare 
for the lower grades of the service. Meanwhile the 
lectures at the University of Munich, supplementing 
this lower school, were to serve for the education of 
the higher grades. A reorganization took place in 
1878, when a special faculty for forestry was estab- 
lished at Munich, with Gustav Heyer as head pro- 
fessor. This was done after much discussion, which 
is still going on throughout the empire, as to the 
question whether education in forestry was best 
obtained at a university or at a special academy. 
The present tendency is toward the former solution 
of the question since railroad development has re- 
moved the main objection, namely, the difficulty of 
reaching a demonstration forest. Nevertheless, Prus- 
sia retains its two forest academies Eberswalde and 
Miinden (since 1868) for the education of its forest 
officials, the other state academies being at Tharandt 
and Eisenach, while chairs of forestry are found at 
the universities of Tubingen (since 1817), Giessen 

Experiment Stations. 147 

(since 1831), and Munich, and for Baden at the poly- 
technicum in Karlsruhe (1832). For the lower grades 
of forest officials there are also schools established by 
the various governments (3 in Prussia, 5 in Bavaria). 
In 1910, the school at AschafTenburg was discon- 
tinued and the entire education of foresters for 
Bavaria left to the University. 

Although as early as 1820, Hundeshagen had insisted 
upon the necessity of exact investigation to form a 
basis for improved forest management and especially 
for forest statics, and, although, in 1848, Carl Heyer 
elaborated the first instruction for such investigations 
which he expected to carry on with the aid of prac- 
titioners, the apathy of the latter and the troublesome 
times prior to 1850 retarded this powerful means of 
advancing forestry. During the decade from 1860 to 
1870, however, the movement for the formation of 
experiment stations took shape, the first set being 
instituted in Saxony, 1862, by establishing nine 
stations for the purpose of securing forest meteor- 
ological data; the next in Prussia, in 1865, to solve 
the problems of the removal of litter; and in Bavaria 
(1866), also for the study of forest meteorology 
(Ebermayer), and of the problem of thinnings. But 
not until Baur, 1868, had pointed out more elabor- 
ately the necessity of systematic investigations, and 
a plan for such had been elaborated by a committee 
instituted by the German Foresters Association was 
a system of experimentation as organized in modern 
times secured (1872). The various states established 
independently such experiment stations, but at the 

148 Germany. 

same time a voluntary association of these stations 
was formed for the purpose of co-ordinating and plan- 
ning the work to be done. 

Forestry associations instituted merely for the 
purpose of propaganda,, were apparently not organized. 
The first association of professional foresters appears 
to have been formed as the result of Bechstein's con- 
ception, who proposed in connection with his school 
(1795 at Gotha, 1800 at Dreissigacker) the form- 
ation of an academy of noted foresters. As a result, 
the Societdt der Forst und Jagdkunde was formed, in 
which all the noted foresters joined with much en- 
thusiasm, and, in 1801, a membership of 81 regular 
and 61 honorary members was attained. At the same 
time the ofiicial organ Diana was founded (1797), in 
which the essays of the members were to be printed, 
after having passed four censors. Two sessions were 
to be held annually. This much too elaborate plan 
for the then rather undeveloped education and de- 
ficient means of transportation defeated to some ex- 
tent the great object. By 1812, it was thought 
necessary to divide the academy at least into a north- 
ern and southern section, and for the latter an addi- 
tional journal, edited by Laurop, was instituted. The 
interest, however, decreased continually, and by 1843, 
at Bechstein's death, the academy was abandoned. 

At the same time, there had sprung up a number 
of local associations in the modern sense. The first, 
in 1820, composed of the foresters and agriculturists 
of Nassau; the next, in 1839, of the foresters of Baden, 
and, by 1860, nine such local societies of foresters 

Associations and Magazines. 149 

were in existence, and they have since increased 
rapidly until now some thirty may be counted. The 
desire to bring these local associations into relation 
to each other led to the first Forestry Congress in 1837 
(Congress der Land und Forstwirthe) , meeting at 
Dresden. At that time, and in the congresses following, 
the agriculturists played a leading part, so that, in 
1839, the South German foresters separated, and 
peripatetic congresses were held every one or two 
years. In 1869, a general organization was deter- 
mined upon, and, in 1872, the first general German 
Congress of Foresters met, holding yearly meetings 
thereafter. A rival association having been organized 
in 1897, two years later an amalgamation of the two 
was effected in the Deutscher Forstverein (now over 
2000 members). The most striking feature of this 
forceful means of advancing forestry is the institu- 
tion of the Forstwirtschaftsrat (1890). a permanent 
committee of about 50 members, which is to look 
after the political and economic interests of forestry, 
forming a semi-official national council. 

There also exists an international association of 
forest experiment stations. 

In the magazine literature, the Cameralists domin- 
ated until the eighteenth century. The first journal 
edited by a forester was Reitter's '' Journal ftir Forst 
und Jagdwesen'' which ran from 1790 to 1797. Dur- 
ing the first part of the century many others were 
started, especially after 1820, usually failing soon for 
lack of support. Hartig himself participated in this 
literature with five volumes (until 1807) of the Journal 

150 Germany, 

des Forst-Jagd-und Fischereiwesens and later (1816 
to 1820) with the semi-official journal Forst und 
Jagdarchiv. Pfeil's Kritische Blatter were continued 
by him from 1823 to 1859, when Nordlinger had the 
editorship till 1870. An irregular publication of 
much note was Burkhardt's Aus dem Walde'' (1865- 

Some of the journals founded in earlier times have 
continued, with changes in title and editorships, to 
the present day. Of these, it is proper to mention as 
the oldest, "Allgemeine Forst und Jagdzeitung, founded 
by V. Behlen, 1825, later conducted by G. Heyer; 
'' For stwis sens chaftliches CentralhlatV (1828); '' Zeit- 
schrift fur Forst und Jagdwesen'' founded in 1869 by 
Dankelmann; '' Forstliche Blatter'' founded 1861 by 
Grunert, continued by Borggreve until 1890. The 
Tharandter Forstliche Jahrbiicher were begun in 1842, 
and the Milndener Forstliche Hefte in 1892. In 
1893, the Forstlich-natunvissenschaftliche Zeitschrift 
was established to discuss mainly the biological basis 
of forestry (changed in 1903 to Naturwissenschaftliche 
Zeitschrift fur Land-und Forstwesen). 

For the lower grades there has been published, since 
1872, Zeitschrift der deutschen Forstbeamten. Several 
lumber trade journals also discuss forestry matters. 
A weekly journal, Silva was begun in 1908. 

To assist in keeping track of the historic and scien- 
tific development of the art, an annual summary of 
magazine literature is being published. The first 
effort in this direction was made in 1876 by Bern- 
hardt's Chronik des deutschen Forstwesens, which was 
continued for several years, but is now supplanted by 

Associations and Magazines. 151 

Jahresbericht ilher die Leistungen mid Fortschritte der 
Forstwirthschaft (since 1880). 

Besides this more scientific magazine literature, 
''Pocket Books'' and ''Calendars'' have been pub- 
lished from early times, the regular annual appearance 
of the latter, giving detailed statistics, personalia, 
tables useful in the practice, etc., dates from 1851. 

With the accomplishment of the unity of the empire 
in 1871, with the establishment of the Experiment 
Stations and their association in 1872, and with the 
organization of the Society of German Foresters, which 
dates from the same year, a new and most active era 
in the development of forestry science may be recog- 
nized, the tendency of which is to lift the art out of the 
shackles of empiricism, and place it on a more scien- 
tific basis. 


Germany's neighbor to the south-east, and until 
1866 a member of the German Empire or Federation, 
largely settled by Germans and hence swayed by 
German thought, developed forestry methods on 
much the same lines as the mother country. Yet there 
are differences to be found, due to difference in eco- 
nomic development, and there is for the United States 
perhaps more to be learned from Austria in the matter 
of introducing forestry methods, especially as lately 
practiced in Bosnia-Herzegovina, than from any 
other country, for economic conditions are in several 
respects alike. 

The interest in the forest history of Austria lies 

Zur Forstgeschichte Oesterreichs, by BINDER VOX KREIGELSTEIN. 
in Verhandlungen der K. K. Landwirthschaftsg-esellschaft, 1836. 

Geschichte der Oesterreichischen Land-tmd Fonttwirtschaft und t'hrer Indus- 
trieen, 1848-1898. 5 vols., 1902, parts referring to forestry, vols. 4 and 5, by 
Dr. von Guttenberg and 15 others ; a unique and most comprehensive work, 
magnificently published as a jubilee of the semi-centennial of the coronation of 
Emperor Franz Joseph. 

Die Forste der Staats-und Fondsgiiier, by KARL SCHINDLER, 1885 and 
1889, 2 vols., pp. 487 and 742, contains in greatest detail with historical data a 
description of the State and Funds forests and their management. 

Jahrhuch der Staats-und Fondsgiiter-verwaUung, 9 vols., by L. Dimitz, 
1897-1904 cont. 

Urkundensammlung zur Geschichte der ungarischen Forstwirthscha/t by 
ALBERT V. BEDO, 1896, in Magyar. 

Die Wirthschaftlichen und Kommerzie len Beschreihungen der Walder des 
Ungarischen Staates. by A. v. BEDO, 2d edition, 1896, 4 vols., 2242 pp., 4°, 
published as a jubilee of the ten-centennial existence of Hungary. First volume 
contains the general description, third volume the details of government forests. 
A magnificent work describing in detail the forests and forest management of 
Hungary. This is briefed by the same author in a chapter in " The Millenium 
of Hungary audits People, by Jekelfalussy, 1837." 

Political History. 153 

especially in the fact that private forest property in 
large holdings is predominant, and that large areas 
are still untouched or just opened to exploitation, so 
that Austria is still in the list of export countries, 
although in some parts intensive management has 
been long in existence. 

In the main, although movements for reform in 
forest use date back to the middle ages, the condition 
of forestry in Austria was past the middle of the 19th 
century still most deplorable, and in a stage of develop- 
ment which most of the German States had passed 
long before ; but in the last 50 years such progress has 
been made that both science and practice stand nearly 
if not quite on the same level with those of their 
German neighbors. 

If Germany exhibits in its different parts a great 
variety of development, political and economic, 
Austria, although long under one family of rulers (since 
1526), exhibits a still greater variety due to racial, 
natural, and historical differences within its own 
borders. It is, indeed, an extraordinary and singular 
country, without an equal of its kind (except perhaps 
Turkey) in that it is not a national, but a dynastic 
power, composed of unrelated states or lands, with 
people speaking different languages, mixed races 
widely different in character. These were gradually 
aggregated under one head or ruling family, the 
Hapsburgs, who as Archdukes of Austria occupied 
the elective position of German Emperors for several 
generations, and after the collapse of the Empire, in 
1806, retained the title and called themselves Em- 
perors of Austria. 

154 Austria-Hungary. 

The Kingdom of Hungary alone (which was joined 
to the Hapsburg dominions by election of its people 
in 1526, and under new relations in 1867), with at 
least 50% Hungarians, is a national unit with a 
national language (Magyar), while all other parts 
have in their composition preponderatingly Slavish 
population, although German elements have the 
ascendancy more or less everywhere. 

Not less than 10 different languages are spoken 
among the forty odd million people, of whom the 
Germans comprise about one-quarter, the Hungarians 
one-third, the balance being Slavs. 

Originally, this section of the country was occupied 
by Germans with the German institution of the Mark, 
but, when the Slavish and Magyar tribes pressed in 
from the East, it became the meeting ground of the 
three races, and during the first 1,000 years after 
Christ the "East Mark" formed the bulwark of the 
German empire against the eastern invaders, who, 
were, in succession, the Slavs, the Huns, the Turks. 

With the unexpected election of Rudolph of Haps- 
burg, a little known prince of small possessions, to the 
dignity of German Emperor, in 1272, the foundation 
of the Austrian Empire was laid. The Archduchy of 
Austria he secured by conquest in 1282, and around 
this nucleus all the other territories were from time 
to time, aggregated by the Hapsburgs through 
marriage, conquest, or treaty. At one time their rule 
extended over Spain, the Netherlands, Switzerland, 
Naples, Sicily and Sardinia. 

The abdication of Francis H, in the year 1806, pre- 
pared the separation from Germany, although Aus- 

Forest Conditions. 155 

trian influence persisted in Germany until 1866 when, 
by the crushing defeat suffered at the hands of Prussia, 
its place and voice was permanently excluded from 
German councils. By arrangement with Hungary, 
the new dual empire of Austria-Hungary came into 
existence, and gave a new national life and new policies 
to the coalition which is to amalgamate these south- 
eastern territories into a homogeneous nation. 

By the treaty of Berlin in 1878, this territory of 
241,942 square miles with over 45 million people was 
further increased by the addition of the Turkish 
provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina with 1,250,000 
inhabitants and 23, 262 square miles, first merely 
placed under Austria's suzerainty and administration, 
in 1908 incorporated as an integral part. 

It is natural that, corresponding to this great di- 
versity of ethnological elements and historical develop- 
ment, we should find a great variety of forest conditions 
and uneven development of forestry. While in Bo- 
hemia, Moravia and Silesia the most intensive manage- 
ment has long been practiced, in the Carpathians of 
Galicia and in Hungary rough exploitation is still the 
rule, and in other parts large untouched forest areas 
still await development. 

We can distinguish at least seven regions thus 
differently developed: the Northwest with Bohemia, 
Moravia and the remaining part of Silesia, settled the 
longest, and the longest under forest management; 
the Northeast, Galicia with the Carpathian Moun- 
tains, still largely either exploited or untouched; the 

156 Austria. 

Danube lands or Austria proper, with the Vienna 
forest and the forests connected with the saltworks 
in Upper Austria and Styria, under some management 
since the 12th and 16th centuries respectively; the 
Alp territory, including Tyrol and Salzburg, parts of 
Styria, Karinthia and Krain, much devastated long 
ago, and offering all the problems of the reboisement 
work of France; the Coast lands along the Adriatic 
with Dalmatia, Istria and Trieste, which, from ancient 
times under Venetian rule, bring with them the in- 
heritance of a mismanaged limestone country, creating 
the problems of the "Karst" reforestation which has 
baffled the economist and forester until the present 
time; the two new provinces east of this region, 
Bosnia and Herzegovina, whose rich forest areas have 
only lately begun to be treated under modern con- 
servative ideas; and finally Hungary with a great 
variety of conditions in itself. 

The large forest per cent, (a little over 24,000,000 
acres or over 32% of the land area) is due to the 
mountainous character of the country, the Alps occu- 
pying a large area on the west and southwest, the 
Carpathians stretching for 600 miles on the northeast, 
various mountain ranges encircling Bohemia, the 
Sudetes forming part of the northern frontier, and 
the Wiener Wald and other lower ranges being dis- 
tributed over the empire and bounding the fertile 
valleys of the Danube and its tributaries. At least 
20 per cent, is unproductive. 

The climate in the northern portion of Austria 
is similar to that of southern Germany; in the south- 
ern portions to that of Italy, while Hungary par- 

Development of Property. 157 

takes of the characteristics of a continental plains 
climate with low rainfall and extreme temperature 

In addition to the tree species found in Germany 
there are of economic value four species of pine {Pinus 
austriaca, cembra, pinea, halepensis), two oaks (Quercus 
ilex and suber), and the chestnut {Castanea vesca). 
Conifer forest is prevailing in Austria (with 82%), 
deciduous forest in Hungary, mostly beech and oak 
(with 75%) ; 27% being oak in pure stands. 

The following pages refer to Austria proper, Hun- 
garian conditions being treated separately further on. 

The value of the total raw product exported from 
the Austrian forests (some 180 million cubic feet) 
may be estimated at over 50 million dollars annually. 

1. Property Conditions. 

On the whole, property conditions developed not 
unsimilarly to those of Germany. There were free- 
men and serfs to start with, developing into barons, 
peasants, burghers; there were ban forests, royal 
domain, forests of the mark, and private properties; 
rights of user or servitudes and all the methods 
and conditions that were developed in other parts 
of Europe are also found here, only perhaps differ- 
ing in time and rate of progress in their develop- 

As a result of gradual changes, the present distri- 
bution of property resulted, in which the State owner- 
ship is comparatively small, namely, in Austria proper 
not more than 7.3% (with 2.8 million acres of which 
nearly one-third is unproductive land), while private 

158 Austria. 

ownership represents over 58.6%. Of this, 34% is 
in large landed estates, among which those of the 
princes of Liechtenstein and of Schwarzenberg with 
round 350,000 acres and 290,000 acres respectively are 
the largest; and 25 others with from 50,000 to 230,000 
acres may be named. By the middle of the 19th 
century, at least 75% of the forest area was in large 
compact properties, a guarantee for the possibility 
of forest management; the industrial development of 
the last decade has, however, led to considerable ex- 
ploitation. In upper and lower Austria and in the 
Alpine regions small private ownership prevails. 
The communal forest comprises 13%, entailed forest 
8%, and the rest belongs to church and other institu- 
tions. These so-called Fondsforste are in part under 
government administration. 

2. First Attempts at Forest Control. 

The oldest record of attempts at an orderly manage- 
ment in any part of the empire seems to date back to 
the 12th century, when the city forest of Vienna had 
been placed under management. During the 16th 
and 17th century this property appears to have been 
managed upon the basis of careful surveys and 
estimates. We also find a definite forest organization 
in the forests attached to the ducal salt mines in 
Styria by 1524, and the dams, canals and water works 
for floating timber developed by 1592 through Thomas 
Seeauer were the wonder of the times. 

In 1524 also. Archbishop MathcBUs Lang of Wellen- 
burg issued a forest ordinance which was full of wise 
prescriptions, probably little heeded. A forest ordi- 

Early History. 159 

nance of 1599 refers to burning of tops and care of 
young growth in fellings. 

Generally speaking, as in Germany proper, forest 
ordinances were issued from time to time, by the 
dukes under the theory of the Forsthoheit, applying to 
limited territories and attempting to regulate forest 
use. No uniformity existed. 

The iron industry in the more northern provinces 
had led early to a more conservative use of forest 
properties for fuel, and since the mines were regal 
property the dukes had a special interest in their con- 

In the Alp territory, especially in Styria, the regal 
right to the mines combined with the Forsthoheit led 
early to the reservation by the dukes of whatever 
forest was not fenced or owned by special grant for the 
use of the mines. In addition, a superior right was 
asserted by them in some of the private forests to all 
the forest produce beyond the personal requirements 
of the owners, for use of the mines at a small tax ; 
and what other private property existed was burdened 
by innumerable rights of user. The exercise of these 
rights, and the warfare against irksome restrictions 
led to widespread illegal exploitation and devastation, 
which as early as the 15th century had proceeded to 
such an extent that in Tyrol associations for protec- 
tion against the torrents were already then in exist- 
ence. Yet in this province, scantily populated, with 
one-third of its area unproductive and one-third 
forested, wasteful exploitation continued until recent 

In Krain, which was unusually well wooded, forest 

160 Austria. 

reservations were made for the use of the mines and 
furnaces in 1510 and 1515, these reservations com- 
prising all forest lands within a given radius. The 
balance was mostly divided among small owners, 
whose unrestricted, unconservative exploitation con- 
tinued into the latter half of the 19th century. 

In Styria, nearly one-half wooded and one-third 
unproductive, a regulated management was attempt- 
ed as early as 1572, and by subsequent forest ordi- 
nances of 1695, 1721 and 1767 devastation was to 
be checked. But the resistance of the peasants to the 
regulations and the inefficiency of the forest service 
were such that no substantial improvement resulted. 

In Galicia, unusually extensive rights of user in the 
crown forests led to their devastation, and the at- 
tempts to regulate the exercise of these rights by 
ordinances in 1782 and 1802 were unsuccessful. 

The forest area along the coast of the Adriatic in 
Istria and Dalmatia had furnished shiptimber even 
to the ancients. The Venetians becoming the owners 
of the country in the 15th century declared all forests 
national property, reserved for shiptimber, and placed 
them under management. They instituted a forest 
service, regulated pasturing, and forbade clearing. 
The oak coppice was to be cut in 8 to 12 year rotation, 
with standards to be left for timber, etc. A reorganiz- 
ation of this service with division into districts is 
recorded in the 16th century, when Charles V, in 1520, 
instituted a "forest college," i.e., administration. 
But the district officers, capitani ai boschi, being under- 
paid, carried on a nefarious trade on their own account, 
and by 1775, the whole country was already ruined 

Variety of Forest Control. 161 

in spite of attempts at reform; the ''Karst" problem 
remained unsolved; and, when Austria secured Dal- 
matia, in 1897, that country too was found in the same 
deplorable condition, the forest area, there in the 
hands of the peasants, having suffered by pasture 
and indiscriminate cutting. 

It was the work of Maria Theresa to reform the 
administration of the various branches of govern- 
ment, and wholesome legislation was also extended 
to the forest branch by her forest ordinance of 1754, 
which remained in force until 1852. It relieved the 
private owners, who held most of the forest area, 
from the restrictions hitherto imposed, except in the 
frontier forests. These, for strategic reasons, were 
to be managed according to special working plans 
prepared by the "patriotic economic society." The 
management of communal forests also was specially 
regulated. Otherwise the ordinance merely recom- 
mended in general terms orderly system and the 
stopping of abuses. 

In 1771, another forest ordinance proposed to ex- 
tend the same policy of private unrestricted owner- 
ship to the Karst forests, with the idea that thereby 
better conditions would most likely be secured; but, 
since here the property was not as in Bohemia in 
large estates but in small farmers' hands, the result 
was disastrous, as we shall see later: it merely led to 
increased devastation. 

The same result followed the increase of private 
peasant ownership which came with the abolishment 
of serfdom in 1781. In 1782, an ordinance full of wise 
prescriptions against wasteful practice intended for 

162 Austria. 

the Northwest territory sought to check the improvi- 
dent forest destruction. 

A further wholesome influence on private forest 
management was exercised by the tax assessment re- 
form in 1788, when not only a more reasonable assess- 
ment but for the first time a difference was made in 
taxation of managed as opposed to unmanaged woods 
and the epoch-making fertile idea of the normal 
forest was announced (see p. 115). At the same time 
the hunting privileges and other burdens, hampering 
forest properties were abolished, and mesaures for 
the extinguishment of the rights of user enacted. 

3. Development of Forest Policy. 

As appears from the foregoing sketch of early 
attempts at forest control, no uniformity existed in 
the empire, each province being treated differently 
and the regal rights being applied differently in each 

Originally the regular circuit or district governments 
had charge not only of the management of State 
forests but also of the forest police and the regulation 
of the management of communal forests. This 
supervision was exercised by the political adminis- 
tration, often without technical advisers, and the 
different provinces had developed this service very 
variably. While in some provinces no special effort 
was made to look after these interests, the laws re- 
maining mainly dead letters, in others a better system 
prevailed. In Styria, for instance, in 1807, five forest 
commissioners and 20 district foresters were employed ; 
but this organization was of short duration. A loose 

Protective Forests. 163 

administration of the forest laws was most general. 
The movement for reform and to secure a general law 
for the empire controlling forest use dates from the 
year 1814 ; but, only after the political reaction 
of 1848, and when the severe floods of 1851 had 
forcibly called attention to the unsatisfactory state 
of things was the necessity of change recognized. 
In 1852, such a general law was enacted, sup- 
planting all the forest ordinances (with minor ex- 

This law, which in the main is still in force, dis- 
tinguishes between ban forests and protective forests. 
The former are such as require in their management 
consideration of their protective value to adjoining 
private or State property and personal safety, e.g., to 
prevent landslides, snowslides, avalanches, etc. Pro- 
tection forests are specially located forests which for 
their own continuance as well as for that of neigh- 
boring ones must be managed under special restric- 
tions, e.g., on sand dunes, shores of waters, steep 
slopes. The dangers which they are to prevent being 
more of an indirect or hidden nature, and only pro- 
duced by their mismanagement, the control also is 
of a more general nature, the owner being allowed 
to manage his property within general prescriptions, 
while the ban forests are protective forests of a higher 
order and are more strictly and more directly con- 
trolled by the authorities. The declaration of a ban 
forest and the prescription for the conservative 
management depend on the findings of a commission 
assisted by experts (since 1873). 

The execution of the law however, being left to 

164 Austria. 

the political administration of the provinces, jealous- 
ies between imperial and provincial governments, 
and fear of resistance and ill will of forest owners pre- 
vented a strict and uniform application of the law. 
Hence, from time to time, we find ministerial rescripts, 
and special provincial legislation to secure a more 
energetic enforcement of the law. 

At first, the reform had reference mainly to the Alp 
districts, which had suffered the most, and, in Tyrol, 
at least, an organization was created in 1856 which 
was to manage the State forests, supervise the manage- 
ment of corporation forests and exercise the forest 
police. Not until the years 1871-74, however, was 
a similar service extended to other portions of the 
empire, but at the end of that period the entire empire 
had been placed under the administration of a "forest 
protective service." an organization quite distinct 
from the State forest administration. 

In 1900, there were placed under this service nearly 
two million acres of protective, and somewhat over 
150,000 acres of ban forests, but some 5 to 6 million 
acres of private or communal forest was under some 
other restrictive policy. 

In 1888, this service consisted of 14 forest inspectors, 
56 forest commissioners, 63 forest adjuncts and 80 
assistants and forest guards; in addition 252 special 
appointees and officers of the State forest adminis- 
tration were doing duty in this service, so that alto- 
gether nearly 500 persons were then employed in 
carrying on the protective forest policy of the State. 
In 1910, there were 388 technical attaches to the pro- 
vincial authorities employed, and 124 on reboisement 

Rehoisement Work. 165 

work, while the State administration employed only 
297 officials of the higher grade. 

The law declares the function of this technical ser- 
vice to be: "to assist the political government by 
technical advice and observation in supervising forest 
protection, and in the application of the forest laws." 

In 1883, the functions of this organization were ex- 
tended "to instruct and encourage forest owners in 
forest culture, and to manage forests designated to 
be so managed." The service has been so satisfactory 
that, while at first much complaint against the en- 
forcement of the regulations was heard, owners now 
ask constantly for its extension. 

The details of the duties devolving upon this organ- 
ization are found in a series of laws, applicable to 
different parts of the empire, which are based upon the 
recognition of protection forests, in which sanctioned 
working plans regulate the management. Forcible re- 
forestation and employment of competent foresters in 
these are obligatory. Now, altogether about 60% of the 
Austrian forest area is managed under working plans. 

A special reboisement law for the extinction of de- 
structive torrents was the result of unusual damage 
by floods in Tirol and Karinthia, in 1882. The basis 
for this legislation was laid by a translation from the 
French of Demontzey's great work on the reboisement 
of mountains, by v. Seckendorff in 1880, and a sub- 
sequent report by the same author in 1883. A law, 
similar to that of the French was enacted in 1884, for 
the regulation of torrential streams. A special fund 
for the work was created to which the interested 
parties are required to contribute, assisted by annual 

166 Austria. 

subventions from the State. The contributions of the 
State have averaged from 40 to 60%, of the provinces 
20 to 50%, the interested parties having contributed 
30% of the round five miUion dollars expended on this 
work by 1901. In 1910, the contribution to the 
melioration fund by the State had grown to 1.6 million 
dollars. At the same time, for the regulation of the 
lower rivers an appropriation of $1,350,000 was made, 
of which $400,000 was to be used for reforestation work. 

This work as well as the reforestation of the Karst 
(see p. 173) under the laws of 1881, 1883, 1885, is 
carried on by the forest protective service. 

On the whole, the forest policy of Austria tends 
toward harmony with forest owners and liberation 
of private property. By reduction of railroad freights, 
which are under government management, by aboli- 
tion of export duties, by reasonable tax assessments, 
etc., the wood export trade (now exceeding 30 million 
dollars) is favored; by the extinction of rights of user 
under liberal laws improvement in forest management 
is made possible, the Emperor setting a good example 
by having renounced, in 1858, his superior right to 
forest reservations in the Alp districts. 

The best exemplification of the spirit of the Austrian 
forest policy and of the methods of forest organization 
and administration is to be found in the administra- 
tion of the provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina de- 
scribed in a volume published in 1905 by the veteran 
Austrian forester, Ludwig Dimitz.* 

*Die forstUchen Verhaltnisse und Einrichtungen Bosniens und der Herze- 
govina, Ludwig Dimitz, Vienna, 1905, pp. 389. See Forestry Quarterly, Vol. Ill, 
p. 143. 

Bosnia-Herzegovina. 167 

Here ,the Austrian government has in the short time 
of 25 years succeeded in bringing orderly conditions 
into the forest management. Until 1878, these coun- 
tries were provinces of Turkey and were placed under 
Austrian suzerainty as a result of the Russo-Turkish 
War. The Turks had already attempted a manage- 
ment of the forest lands, which were in their entirety 
claimed by the Sultan. Property conditions being 
entirely unclear when the Austrians assumed the 
administration, these questions had first to be settled 
by a survey. This survey resulted in showing a forest 
area of 6.3 million acres, 51% of the land area, of 
which probably all but about 1.5 million acres is 
private or communal property; half of the state 
property is fully stocked and it is estimated that 
about 100 million cubic feet is the annual increment. 

4. State Forest Administration. 

The State domain in the first half of the 19th cen- 
tury had been reduced by sales from nearly 10 million 
acres to 4.5 million acres, and to a little over 3 million 
acres in 1855. In that year, about one-half of this 
property was handed over to the National Bank to 
secure the State's indebtedness of $30,000,000, and 
between 1860 and 1870 further sales reduced the 
domain to about its present size of 1.8 million acres 
productive forest. In 1872, however, a new policy, 
and the present organization were instituted. 

Before 1849, the forest properties which the Crown 
or State owned in the various territories were not 
managed as a unit or in any uniform manner, but a 
number of separate provincial or territorial forest 

168 Austria, 

administrations existed which were often connected 
with mining administrations and were placed under 
the Minister of Finance. These, under the influence 
of the educated foresters issuing from the newly 
established forest school, had, to be sure, been much 
improved; nevertheless the Cameralists, as in Ger- 
many, were at the head of affairs and kept the techni- 
cal development back until after the revolution of 
1848, when the acccession of Franz Joseph I brought 
many reforms and changes in methods of adminis- 

A ministry of Soilculture and Mining was created 
in that year, and, as a branch of it, a forest depart- 
ment, separated from the department of the Chase. 
To the head of this forest department was called a 
forester, Rudolf Feistmantel, who elaborated an 
organization. But, before much had been accom- 
plished, the Ministry and its forest department were 
abohshed (1853) and the forest domain again trans- 
ferred to the Ministry of Finance. 

Feistmantel returned in 1856 as Chief of the forest 
division in that Ministry, and his organization of the 
forest property of the State into forest districts under 
forest managers and into provincial "forest direc- 
tions" was perfected. 

Matters, however, did not thrive, and, only when 
public attention and indignation had been aroused 
by a policy of selling State property, a change of 
attitude took place in 1872 which led to the present 
organization. This places the State forest adminis- 
tration in the Department of Agriculture, with an 
''Oberlandforstmeister" and two assistants as su- 

State Forest Administration. 169 

perior officers, and the rest of the organization is also 
very nearly the same as that in vogue in most German 
States, each province having a directive service of 
" Oberforstmeister " with " Forstmeister " as inspec- 
tors, and " Oberforster " with the assistance of "Forst- 
warte" as executive officers. In addition a special 
corps of "forest engineers" and "superior forest engi- 
neers" is provided for the elaboration of working 
plans. Lately (1904), a re-organization of the central 
office provided, besides the department of adminis- 
tation of State and Funds forests, a department of 
reboisement and correction of torrents, and a depart- 
ment of forest policy charged with the promotion of 
forest culture, including the education of foresters 
and similar matters. 

Most of the State property is located in the Alps 
and Carpathian mountains at an elevation above 2,000 
feet, hence financial results do not make a good showing. 

Since 1885 it has been the policy to add to the State 
forest area by purchase, and by 1898, over 350,000 
acres had been added to it. 

5. Progress of Forest Organization. 

Since 1873, working plans according to unified prin- 
ciples have been prepared for most of the State 
property, so that, by 1898, about 82% was under 
regulated management. 

The progress made in bringing forest areas under 
organized management varied greatly in the different 

In northeastern Austria, the first methods of regu- 
lated management consisted, as in the neighboring 

170 Austria. 

territories of Germany, in a simple division into felling 
areas. The example of the neighbors was also followed 
later in the northwestern provinces, and in both re- 
gions this method was improved upon by allotment 
according to the propositions of Hartig and Cotta. In 
addition, since 1810, the method of the Austrian 
''Kameraltaxe" with the new and fertile idea of the 
"normal forest" began to be employed (see p. 115). 
The new method now largely employed is an area 
allotment checked by the normal forest formula. 

Especially in Bohemia, most of the large baronial 
properties had, by 1848, been put under a regular 
system of management according to Saxon and Prus- 
sian precedent. The influence of the former was espe- 
cially strong, and Saxon foresters were largely em- 
ployed to regulate the management. Most prominent 
among these was Judeich, who became the Director 
of the Austrian forest school at Weisswasser, (after- 
wards of Tharandt). By 1890, over 83% of the total 
forest area of Bohemia capable of such management 
had been placed under rational working plans accord- 
ing to the most modern conception, and nearly the 
same proportion in the neighboring provinces of 
Moravia and Silesia. 

In the Alps territory and in the Danube provinces, 
the regulation of forest management has not pro- 
gressed with the same rapidity, partly owing to the 
existence of the many hampering rights of user; only 
here and there, are properties managed intensively. 
By 1890, only 23% were managed under rational 
Avorking plans (40% state and 60% private and com- 

Progress of Forest Organization. 171 

munal property), mostly regulated by a combined 
area and volume method. 

In Styria, in the forests attached to mines, we find 
already in 1795 quite a remarkable effort in the matter 
of working plans. Such a plan by an unknown author 
deals with volume tables and sample area methods 
for determining the stock. But the fine plan was 
stowed away in a cupboard, and when, in 1830, forest 
counselor Wunderbaldijtger proposed to apply a 
similar plan he had to wait seven years before per- 
mission for a trial was granted. He continued, how- 
ever, the organization of these forests until 1848, 
using Hundeshagen's ''use per cent." in the selection 
forest, and volume allotment for the woods managed 
under clearing system. 

In lower Austria, the Vienna state forest of 70,000 
acres had for a long time received attention ; the first 
thorough forest survey and yield calculation being 
made in 1718-20, revised in 1782-86, and regulated 
for the shelterwood system in 1820. Within the last 
50 years, the method has been changed again and 
again, until in 1882 the present Austrian method 
based on normal stock principles was applied. Since 
in this province 50% of the forest area is small peasant 
property and communal forest, which are usually 
managed without systematic plans, the 33% under 
working plans represents more than half of the area 
capable of such management. 

In upper Austria, where the salt works are situated, 
the attempts at regulated management in connection 
with these date back to the middle of the 16th 
century, and, after various changes, these forest areas 

172 Austria. 

were, by 1888, placed under working plans of modern 
style. Over 50% of the forest area of this province 
is so regulated. One of the most modern working 
plans based upon Pressler's soil rent theory and a 
most intensive silviculture, is that of the Baron Mayr- 
Melnhof on his estate Kogl. 

These details are merely brought forward to illus- 
trate the great variation both in the progress of deve- 
lopment and in the present conditions in different 
parts of the empire, similar differences being found 
in other portions. Suffice it to say that in round 
numbers about fifteen hundred thousand acres are 
managed under more or less intensive working plans, 
and of the balance seven million acres are farmers' 
woodlots on which only silvicultural treatment is 

6. Development of Silviculture. 

The necessity for conservative forest use and refores- 
tation did not arise as early in Austria as it did in 
Germany. It was not until the middle of the 19th 
century that this necessity became apparent in most 
of the provinces, when German experiences in silvi- 
culture could be readily utilized. 

In Bohemia, the clearing system with artificial 
reforestation, mostly by seed, had been introduced 
at the beginning of the century for the conifer forests, 
planting as a rule being resorted to only in fail places. 
For this planting, wildlings were mostly used. In the 
broad-leaved forest, the selection system, and to some 
extent the shelterwood method, were largely followed. 
The strip system was also much employed, and, as 

Karst Problems. 173 

the felling areas were often made too large, undue 
increase of undesirable softwoods resulted. During 
the last 50 years, silvicultural theory and practice 
developed very much on the same lines as in Germany, 
more intensively in the densely populated and more 
accessible regions, and less so in the more distant and 
thinly settled mountain districts. 

The most noted work of reforestation which has 
occupied Austrian foresters for the last forty years or 
more is that of the "Karst," a name applied to the 
waste lands in the mountain and hill country of Istria, 
Trieste, Dalmatia, Montenegro and adjacent terri- 
tory skirting the Adriatic Sea. It is a dry limestone 
country of some 600,000 acres in extent, stony and 
rough, and overdrained. Originally well forested with 
conifers and hardwoods, it had furnished for ages 
ship timber and other wood supplies to the Venetians. 
Through reckless cutting, burning and pasturing by 
the small farmers it had become almost entirely de- 
nuded, natural reforestation being prevented by these 
practices combined with the dryness of the soil, in- 
tensified by the deforestation. 

For centuries, countless laws were passed to stop 
the progress of devastation, but without effect. 

The first attempt at planting was made by the city 
of Trieste in 1842, and found some imitators, but with 
meager result. 

In 1865, the Austrian government, acting upon 
representations of the Forestry Association, undertook 
to encourage and assist private landowners in re- 
foresting their Karst lands by remitting taxes on re- 
forested lands for a period of years, by technical 

174 Austria. 

advice, and by assistance with plant material and 

By this move, so much land was withdrawn from 
pasture and taxation that opposition was aroused 
among the cattle owners, which led to additional 
legislation during the years 1882 to 1887, and finally 
to the creation of a commission charged to select the 
lands which in the interest of the country required 
reforestation, and empowered to enforce this improve- 
ment within a given time, the State expropriating the 
lands of objecting owners. At the same time, the 
Commission brought about the division of pasture 
lands which were held in communal ownership. 

By 1909, of the 75,000 acres selected by the Com- 
mission as of immediate interest 15,000 acres had 
been planted, mostly with Austrian Pine, at an aver- 
age cost of $8 to $16 per acre, the cost including stone 
enclosures for the plantations, to protect them against 
cattle and fire, and the repairs, which sometimes 
equalled the original expense. In addition, some 
50,000 acres of natural growth were brought into 
productive condition merely by protection. 

While this activity refers to the northern portion 
of the coast region, the Karst of Dalmatia farther 
south, being oak country, was mainly recuperated by 
protective measures. Here, in 1873, the pasturing of 
goats was forbidden on areas of over one million acres 
in extent which were found capable of reforestation. 
In 1876, the partition of communal holdings was 
ordered, and portions were designated for forest use, 
to be planted. As a result of these measures, nearly 
400,000 acres have been recuperated. 

Forest Schools. 175 

7. Education and Literature. 

The first forest schools in Austria were established 
through private effort, namely one in 1800 in Bohemia 
by Prince Schwarzenberg, and another one in Moravia 
by Prince Liechtenstein, these two being the largest 
forest owners in Austria. In 1805, another private 
forest school was opened in Bohemia, and at the same 
time the state institute near Vienna came into exist- 
ence. This was, in 1813, transferred to Mariabrunn, 
and, after various changes in the character of the 
teaching, was, in 1867, raised to the dignity of an 
academy with a three years' course. In 1875, it was 
transferred to the Hochschule fiir Bodenkultur at 
Vienna, an agricultural school, which had been insti- 
tuted in 1872, intended to give the higher scientific 
education in both forestry and agriculture by a three 
years' course. The course was, in 1905, increased to four 
years. During the years from 1875 to 1904, over 2,600 
students in forestry alone had attended this excellent 
school at which over 70 professors and instructors 
are employed. 

For the lower grades of foresters, schools were from 
time to time opened in addition to the private ones 
first mentioned. Such so-called "middle schools," 
were founded at Eulenberg (1852), Weisswasser (1855) 
transferred to Reichstadt, and Lemberg (1874) , at which 
latter the course is two years in the Polish language, and 
one at Bruck (1900), where the course is three years. 
At present, there are five middle schools in operation. 

For the education of guards, three Forstwart schools 
were instituted in 1881 and 1883, one each for Tirol. 

176 Austria. 

Styria and Gallcia, where, in an eleven months' course, 
15 forest guards at each receive instruction. In addition 
there are five schools of silviculture where the course is 
one year. Besides these schools, courses in forestry of 
shorter duration are given at three other institutions. 
Besides these schools, the promotion of forestry 
science is, as in Germany, secured by forest experi- 
ment stations, which came into existence as a result of 
the earlier deliberations of the German foresters. 
The first proposition to establish such a station was 
submitted in 1868, but its establishment was delayed 
until 1875, when such a station was instituted at 
Vienna in connection with the school there. The 
results of the investigations are published from year to 
year and have enriched the forestry literature in the 
German language with many important contributions. 

A very active association life exists in Austria, 
largely due to the influence of the many large private 
forest owners. Curiously enough, the first attempt at 
forming a society of foresters in Bohemia was sup- 
pressed by the authorities, probably for fear of revo- 
lutionary tendencies, and the effort simply resulted 
in a literary or reading association to obviate the need 
of private purchase of books. Not until 1848, the 
very year of the revolution, did the Bohemian fores- 
try association become a fact, and, under the leader- 
ship of the large forest owners among the nobility, it 
has become the strongest in Austria, issuing a bi- 
monthly association journal from the beginning. 
Another strong local association which dates its be- 
ginning as a society for agriculture back to 1770, is 

Forestry Associations. 177 

the MoravIan-SIlesian Forestry Association, which 
segregated from the mother society in 1850, first as a 
section, and, having by 1858, attained a membership 
of 1,000, it constituted itself as a separate association 
in 1886. Besides these, many smaller ones exist in 
Austria. In 1852, a general Austrian forestry associ- 
ation was founded, which, in 1854, began the publica- 
tion of aquarterly journal and held sessions in various 
parts of the empire; but, by and by, the interest 
seemed to flag, the attendance at the meetings became 
smaller and smaller, and finally the assocition was 
abandoned after a rival, the Austrian Forestry Con- 
gress, had been organized in 1874, which later became 
the Oesterreichische Reichs-Forstverein. 

In Galicia and in Bukowina, the foresters meet 
as a section of the Society for Soil Culture. The same 
method of forming forestry sections of the agricul- 
tural societies is followed in others parts of the empire, 
and at least a dozen or more other local foresters* 
associations might be mentioned, in which owners of 
forest properties are as fully represented as professional 
foresters; and their activity is not only to be found 
in literary labors, but also in practical work. In ad- 
dition to the meetings of these local societies, repre- 
sentative congresses have met annually at Vienna 
since 1876, and have become powerful agents for 
improving legislation and practice. 

Although, as was natural, owing to the difference in 
conditions the forestry literature in Austria began 
much later than that of Germany, a very active pro- 
gress is noticeable since the middle of the last century, 

178 Austria. 

and the Austrians are vying successfully with the 
Germans in this direction. The names of Fioceli, 
Pokorny, Bohm, Wiesner, Molish, Willkomm, Hempel 
and Kerner in the direction of forest botany, Wessely, 
von Lorenz-Liburnau, Feistmantel, Dimitz, Wachtl 
(Entomology) , Dombrowski (encyclopedia 188Q), Exner, 
Janka (wood technology) Guttenherg (forest mensur- 
ation and regulation), von Seckendorff, Schiffel (forest 
mensuration), Cieslar, Reuss, Bohmerle, Hufnagl, 
Marchet, and many others are familiar to all German 
readers. In addition a very considerable literature in 
the Bohemian language is in existence, some in the 
Italian by Austrian authors, and some in the Slavonian. 
The magazine literature began with publications 
by various forestry associations which became active 
after 1848. At the present time weelky, monthly, 
bi-monthly, quarterly, yearly and irregular publi- 
cations to the number of not less than 14 in German, 
in addition to several in Bohemian, may be counted, 
among which the monthly Centralblatt fur das 
Gesammte Forstwesen, in existence since 1875, and 
the weekly Oesterreichische Forstzeitung, since 1883, 
are perhaps the most widely known. 


Hungary is mainly a fertile plain, traversed by the 
Danube and Theiss, an agricultural country, with the 
forest confined to the hilly portions, to the mountain- 
ous southern provinces of Slavonia and Croatia, and 
to the Carpathians, which bound it on the north and 

Conditions in Hungary. 179 

east. Nevertheless, while wood in the plain is scarce, 
the total forest area .including that of the two men- 
tioned provinces, is but little less than that of Austria 
proper, namely, 23,000,000 acres (28%). Large areas 
of shifting sands, and, along the Danube and Theiss 
rivers, swamps, partly created by deforestation, are 
interspersed with the heavy black prairie and compact 

At present, of the 23 million acres of forest the 
State owns 16%, corporations somewhat over 20%, 
churches, cloisters and other institutes 7.5%, and the 
balance, over 13 million acres, is owned privately. 
The administration of the State forests is in the 
Department of Agriculture but some are still under 
the control of the military and railroad departments. 

All but the private forests are under State surveil- 
lance. Of the private properties the majority con- 
sists of large holdings and about ten per cent, are 
entailed, a hopeful condition for conservative manage- 
ment. Yet with an export of 10 to 12 million dollars 
or more, exploitation would appear still to be general, 
and devastated areas abound. It is claimed that half 
the area is under working plans, and that the 1000 
million cubic feet of annual cut do not approach the 
annual increment. The State forests yield now in the 
neighborhood of $600,000 net. 

Although naturally influenced by Austrian prece- 
dent, forestry matters in Hungary like all matters 
of administration are largely independent of Austria, 
the connection being only in the identity of the 

The forests, which had been for the most part the 


180 Hungary. 

property of the kings of the Arpad dynasty, had by 
them been turned over from time to time in dona- 
tions to the churches, cloisters and to colonists, so 
that when the Hapsburgs succeeded on the throne, 
in 1526, only a small portion remained undisposed, 
and this became State property. 

In the forests which were necessary for the working 
of the royal mines and furnaces, an attempt was early 
made to secure systematic treatment under an ordin- 
ance (1565) which gave instructions as to the order 
of fellings, the reservation of seed trees, etc. But, 
otherwise, the government did not make much effort 
at regulating forest use until the middle of the 18th 
century, and then, largely owing to military consider- 
ations, urged by General von Engelshoffen com- 
manding on the frontier against the Turks. The 
planting of forests for defense was ordered (1743) 
by Maria Theresa, but this order was probably never 

About this time, however, movements of reform in 
various directions are noticeable. Complete working 
plans were made for the Kremnitz forest in 1750, and 
for the Schemnitz forest in 1763. The forest ordin- 
ances of 1770 and 1781 and the law of 1791 attempted 
to regulate the use of communal forests, and ordered 
the reservation of devastated forest areas. Other 
legislation followed in 1807, designed to arrest the 
further extension of shifting sands. 

Although, since 1809, forest inspectors had been 
employed to look after the execution of the forest 
laws, mismanagement and forest destruction by pro- 
miscuous cutting, pasture and fire remained the rule, 

Forest Service and Policy. 181 

and with the advent of the railroads, in 1850, increased 

Political troubles prevented any attempts at im- 
provement until, in 1867, comparative peace and the 
new regime had arrived, and finally, in 1879, it became 
possible to pass a reform law, which is the basis of 
present conditions. 

A general forest law had been enacted in 1807; 
this was superseded in 1858 by the adoption of the 
Austrian law of 1852. But, in 1879, a new law reorgan- 
ized forest policy and forest service. In that year, 
the State interests were placed under the adminis- 
tration of the Department of Agriculture with a 
technical forester at the head (Oberlandforstmeister), 
assisted by four section chiefs, one in charge of the 
State forest administration, one for the administra- 
tion of corporation forests, one for the elaboration of 
working plans, and one, with the assistance of 20 
forest inspectors having supervision of the execution 
of all forest laws. Otherwise the general features of 
German administrative methods prevail, except that 
for purposes of executing the protective forest laws, 
committees composed of three members chosen from 
the country officials co-operate with the government 

The law of 1879, modified and intensified in 1898, 
provides government supervision of the management 
of corporation and of protection forests, and pre- 
scribes that land unfit for farming ,i.e., absolute forest 
soil (three-quarters of all forest land), no matter by 
whom owned, is to be reforested within six years after 

182 Hungary. 

having been stripped, and no new clearings may be 
made on such soils. Mountain forests, which are 
classed as protection forests (around one million acres 
or 5.4% of the forest area so classed), as well as en- 
tailed properties, must be managed according to 
working plans approved by the forest department. 
The declaration of protective forests was to be made 
by a commission within five years of the enactment 
of the law. New planting for protective purposes 
could also be ordered, and this under certain condi- 
tions may be done by the interested, i.e., protected 
parties, which may associate themselves for this 
purpose. Violations of this law are liable to be pun- 
ished by a fine for each acre, imposed annually as long 
as the offense continues. Two-thirds of the whole 
forest area is thus more or less under State supervision, 
and working plans for over 12 million acres have been, 
or are to be prepared by the government. An area 
allotment method v/ith a normal forest formula as a 
check has been mostly employed in this work, which 
is by no means as yet completed. 

To promote forest planting several nurseries have 
been established by the government, from which 
around 10 million plants are annually distributed 
free of charge, and subventions for reforestation of 
wastes are also granted annually. It is interesting 
to note in this connection that more than 170,000 acres 
have been planted to Black Locust, which is managed 
as coppice for vineyard stakes. 

In 1884, a special fund for the purchase of forest 
land by the State was instituted by turning all moneys 
received from eventual sales of forest land into that 

Education and Literature. 183 

fund. Another fund for forest improvement is accu- 
mulated by placing four-fifths of all penalties collected 
for forest trespasses into a separate account for that 
purpose. These funds have not accumulated very 
fast, the forest improvement fund, in 1896, being only 
about $120,000. 

Similar to the Landes in France, there exist in 
various parts of Hungary extensive sand wastes and 
shifting sands, partly caused by deforestation. Ever 
since 1788, legislation has attempted to secure a re- 
habilitation of these waste areas, which cover in all 
some 600 square miles. In 1817, a first systematic 
beginning was made in the Banat, on the *'Alfold" 
of the Magyars, under the forest director Bachofen, 
similar to Bremontier' s undertaking in France. By 
1842, the total plantations amounted to about 12,000 
acres, and by 1869, some 20,000 acres had been re- 
forested, and parts of the plantations had begun to 
yield profits. But even to-day, there are still large 
areas in a desert condition. 

A classic volume in German by Joseph Wessely, 
Hungarian forest director, Der europdische Flugsand 
und seine KuUur, describes in detail the principles 
and methods of reclamation of shifting sands. 

Most of the Hungarian forestry literature being 
written in the Magyar language, is inaccessible to 
the rest of the world. 

Efforts by private endeavor to promote forestry 
education date back as early as 1796, when Forest 
Inspector Vizner opened an elementary forest school 
and wrote a forestry catechism. 

This effort was followed, in 1806, by introducing the 

184 Hungary. 

subject in the agricultural school at Keszthely, and, 
in 1808, in the school of mines in Schemnitz (Selmecz 
banya), a German forester Wilkins filling the chair, 
while a special forest school was established at Her- 
mannstadt in 1817. 

The forestry courses at Schemnitz were enlarged 
and the school re-organized in 1846 and again in 1872; 
one of the changes being the use of the Hungarian 
language in its instruction, which had originally been 
in German. In 1904, the course, which was 3 years and 
only optionally 4 (one year for engineering education), 
was made 4 years for all, and is obligatory for all 
higher grade State officials. 

In Croatia-Slavonia, which is in many respects 
separately administered, an agricultural and forestry 
school exists at Kreutz (Koros) with a three-year 

For the lower service four schools of two-year 
courses have been established by the government, 
the instruction being given by practitioners, and some 
of the students receiving free tuition. 

A forest experiment station was established in 
1898; it issues a quarterly magazine, Irdeszeti Riser- 
letek, in which its results are recorded. 

A Hungarian forestry association was formed in 
1866; it issues a monthly journal, distributes pam- 
phlets, gives prizes for literary effort, etc., and is, with 
over 2000 members, an active agent in the work of 
reform. A separate forestry association, which also 
publishes a monthly in the Slavish language, exists 
in Croatia. 


The interest which we have in the development of 
forestry in this small territory, of somewhat less than 
16,000 square miles with over three million people, 
lies in the fact that it is a republic, or rather an aggre- 
gation of republics, the oldest in existence, and that, 
occupying an Alpine mountain country, it has de- 
veloped a unique co-operative policy of forest pro- 
tection. Being largely German by origin and senti- 
ment, German influence on the development of fores- 
try methods, outside of the administrative measures, 
has here been as strong as in Austria. 

Switzerland did not exist as a power in name until 
the 17th century, and as a unit not until the recon- 
struction of 1815, and in its present settled condition 
and constitution not until 1848, although the nucleus 

A very good brief statement of present conditions of forestry in Switzerland 
with some historical references maj' be found in Hand-worterbtich der Schwei- 
zerischen Volks-wirthschaft, Berlin 1903, with two chapters by Dr. J. CoAZ and 
Prof. C. Bourgeois. 

F. FANKHAUSER, Geschichte des bemtschett Forstwesens bis tn die neuere 
Zeit, Bern 1893, gives insight into the developments in one of the cantons, 
beginning in 1304. 

LANDOLT, Ueber die Geschichte der Waldungen und des Forstwesens, 
Zurich, 1858. 

L Evolution for est iere dans le cantvn de Neuchdtel, Histoire-Statistique\W&. 

BURRI, Die Viulttirgeschichtliche Ent-wicklung und zvirthschaftliche Bedeu- 
tting des schweizerischen Waldbestands, Luzern 1898. 

MEISTER, Die Stadiwaldutigen von Ziirich, 2d ed, 1903. exhibits on 225 
pages in great detail the history and methods of management of this remarkable 
city forest of only about 3,000 acres. 

Report of theBritish Foreign Office on Swiss Forest Laws, by CONWAY 
THORNTON, 1888, gives a very satisfactory expos^ of the earlier legislation. 

186 Switzerland. 

of its political existence dates back at least 600 years, 
when, in 1291, the people of the three forest cantons, 
Schwyz, Uri and Unterwalden, formed their first 
league to resist encroachments on their rights by the 
church and by the feudal barons. 

The country became settled, similarly to Germany, 
by Germans, and especially Burgundians, a free 
people ; but when the control of the Obermarker over the 
free communities began to ripen into feudal superi- 
ority, it found resistance in the forest cantons, and 
these formed a league to fight the duke of Hapsburg, 
who partly as feudal lord, partly as Reichsvogt, 
the emperor's representative, claimed obnoxious 
rights. Through admission of neighboring lands and 
cities to the league, the number of confederates had 
by the middle of the 14th century grown to eight, 
and when, by the battles of Sempach (1386) and 
Naefels (1388), the Austrian Hapsburg supremacy 
had been permanently destroyed, the number of 
allies grew, and, by conquest and annexation and 
otherwise, their territory attained nearly the present 
size by the middle of the 15th century; the 
war against feudalism being the cause for this 

These various small republics, however, always 
formed a part of and owed allegiance to the German 
Empire, although they resisted the arms of the Em- 
peror as Archduke of Austria — until, with the peace 
of 1499, this connection became entirely nominal. 
The final separation from the German empire and 
acknowledgement of independence was not pronounced 
until the peace of Westphalia, in 1648. 

Political Conditions. 187 

The league of cantons was only a very loose con- 
federation without any central power, although a 
diet, to which each canton sent a delegate, had de- 
liberative functions. Almost immediately after the 
alliance was formed it became fatally divided, 
especially when religious differences arose, and 
throughout the 16th and first half of the 17th century, 
continuous warfare existed between the different 

It must not, however, be understood that the 
peasants in the different cantons were entirely free 
from the ancient tyrannies. With the exception of 
the three forest cantons, which were truly democratic 
republics, the majority of the Swiss peasants, free 
in the eyes of the outside world, were mere serfs until 
the beginning of the 18th century, and secured their 
freedom only after many revolts. 

After nearly 500 years of this loose federation, it 
was reserved to Napoleon to proclaim the Helvetian 
Republic one and indivisible, in 1798, after a short 
struggle of 74 days. This constitution fell with the 
fall of Napoleon, and gave place, in 1815, to a re- 
organized federation, in which the former sovereignty 
of each canton was re-established, the inviolability of 
the territory being guaranteed by the European 
powers. Finally in 1848, the seventh and last phase 
of reconstruction brought into existence the "Bund," 
the Confederation of Switzerland, very much after 
the pattern of the United States, the constitution then 
adopted being once more revised in 1874. 

The country is divided into 19 entire and 6 half 
states or cantons, which are a unit towards foreign 

188 Switzerland. 

powers, but have as much independence among them- 
selves as each of the United States, each self-govern- 
ing. A parliament {Bundesversammlung) of two 
chambers — the Nationalrath of 145 members corres- 
ponding to the House of Representatives, the Standes- 
rath with 44 members, equivalent to the Senate — 
represent the interests of the whole federation. The 
administration of the cantons lies in the hands of the 
"great" and "small" councils, with an executive 
ministry of three members chosen for two years by 
the former council. The administration of the Bund 
is in the hands of the Bundesrath of 7 members, elected 
by the parliament, which also elects one of the mem- 
bers as president for one year. The Referendum, 
which, if 30,000 voters demand it within 3 months, 
requires reference of any law to the direct vote of the 
people is used as a check on legislation. 

Although the larger part of the population of 3 
million people is German, parts of Switzerland are 
French, and other parts Italian. 

From this brief statement of the political develop- 
ment of the country it will appear that the develop- 
ment of forestry must also have varied. 

1. Forest Conditions and Property Rights. 

Topographic and soil conditions necessarily had 
also their influence on this development. In the 
plains, the plateau, and the hill country, the distinc- 
tion of forest and field as it now exists had been in 
general attained in the 15th century, while in the 
mountain country, forest destruction began only in 
the 18th century and continued till the middle of the 

Forest Conditions. 189 

19th century, stimulated by the development of the 
metal industry and the improvement in means of 
communication. The clearings made here were 
turned into pasture and, being overpastured, became 
waste lands. Thus, owing to topographic and soil 
conditions, a very uneven distribution of forest has 
resulted and we find a variation in forest area from 9% 
(Genf) to over 39% (in the Jura) of the total land 
area of the different cantons, the average being 20.6%, 
leaving out of consideration the area above timber 
limit (5,000 to 7,500 feet) and the waters and rocks 
below. This is less than in Germany and Austria, more 
than in France; but, if allowance is made for unpro- 
ductive soil which is included in the German area state- 
ments, the percentage of forest area on productive 
soil would about equal that of Germany, In the last 
25 years, the area has increased by 10 per cent, to 
2,140,000 acres. This area is insufficient to supply 
the demand, from 15 to 25% of it being imported. 
In 1907, the imports had risen to nearly 25 million 
cubic feet, valued at $9 million. 

Property rights developed at first similarly to those 
developed on German soil, except that, as we have 
seen, feudal conditions were not allowed to gain foot- 
hold to the same extent, and liberty from serfdom 
was secured earlier. In 1798, seigniorial rights had 
pretty nearly been extinguished. At present, owner- 
ship is still largely communal: nearly 67% are so 
owned, making this property of highest forest political 
importance; private owners hold only 28.5%, and the 
cantonal forests represent but 4.6%; the Bund as 
such owning none. It is also to be noted that com- 

190 Switzerland. 

munal property is constantly increasing by purchases 
from private holdings. 

2. Developme7it of Forest Policy. 

No doubt, in some parts the first beginnings of care 
for forest property and forest use date back even to 
Roman times. Charlemagne had his forest officials 
here as elsewhere, and the number of ban forests 
seems to have been especially great, some 400 "bann- 
briefe," documents establishing them, having been 
collected at Bern. The first forest ordinance regu- 
lating the use of a special forest area in Bern dates 
from 1304. But the first working plan seems to have 
been made for the city forest of Zurich, the so-called 
Sihlwald, in 1680-1697, and to this day this corporation 
property, with its intensive and most profitable 
management, is the pride of all Switzerland. The 
Bernese cantonal forests were first surveyed and 
placed under management from 1725 to 1739, and 
fully regulated by 1765. 

An excellent forest code for Bale was drawn up in 
1755 by Bishop Joseph William; and in 1760, through 
the propaganda of the two scientific societies of 
Zurich and Bern, the teaching of forestry was begun, 
and forest organization in the two cantons secured 
in 1773 and 1786. The canton of Soleure (Solothurn) 
was the first to start a regular system of instruction, 
two citizens from each woodland, district being given 
the opportunity to qualify themselves as foresters. 

Each canton had, of course, its own laws protecting 
forest property against theft and fire; in the latter 
respect especially great care was exercised and burning 

Early Development. 191 

of brush could only be done by permit and under a 
force of watchers. 

The example of Zurich and Bern in organizing the 
management of their forest areas was followed more 
or less by other cantons, but a real serious movement 
is not discernible until the beginning of the 19th 
century, when with the impetus of modern life and 
trade the value of forest property increased, and most 
cantons issued regulative forest laws. 

Forest ordinances had from time to time attempted 
to prevent the decrease of forest area by forbidding 
clearings, regulating pasture, and forbidding wood 
export to other villages or cantons, a local timber 
famine being dreaded. But, only when a severe flood, 
in 1830, had accentuated the protective value of forest 
cover, were the forest ordinances more strenuously 
enforced, and a general movement for better manage- 
ment began in the various cantons. This was partly 
signalized by sending young men to the forest schools 
of Germany. 

Largely through the influence of a lively propa- 
ganda carried on by such men as Landolt and Coaz, 
backed by the Swiss forestry association, (founded in 
1848), and through the increase of torrential floods, 
especially in 1834 and 1868, was it made clear that 
a central power would have to be clothed with au- 
thority to regulate the use at least of the alpine forest. 

In 1857, the Bund ordered an investigation of the 
mountain forests in all parts; this was made by Lan- 
dolt. But opposition by the cantons against restric- 
tive measures prevented an^^ legislative result. At 
the same time, an annual vote of $2,000 was made to 

192 Switzerland. 

the forestry association for reforestation and engi- 
neering works in the Alps. This grant was changed, 
in 1871, by voting an annual credit of $20,000 to be 
expended by the Bundesrath for similar purposes. 
The floods of 1868 brought such distress in certain 
cantons that contributions from all other parts were 
required to assist the flood sufferers; and $200,000 
of the collections were appropriated for reforestation. 
Finally, in 1874, through the effort of the forestry 
association, it was determined to create a central 
bureau of forest inspection for the whole Bund in the 
Department of the Interior, and an article was in- 
serted in the constitution declaring the superior right 
of oversight by the Federation over the water and 
forest police in the high Alps, at the same time pro- 
posing to aid in the engineering and reboisement work 
necessary to correct the torrents, and to take measures 
for the preservation of these works and forests. 

The result was the installation of a federal forest 
inspector with one assistant, in 1875, and the enact- 
ment of a law, in 1876, which determined the area 
within which the federal government was to exercise 
supervision. The execution of the law was, however, 
left to the cantons — the jealousies of State rights as 
against federal rights being even more strongly de- 
veloped in Switzerland than in the United States. 
Each canton proceeded in its own way, or neglected 
to proceed, and hence no uniform progress in applying 
the law was made. Indeed, not a single prescription 
of the law was applied within the prescribed time, 
although again and again extended, and even to-day 
some cantons have not yet complied. Stubborn 

Present Forest Policy. 193 

opposition to the law continues even to date in some 

Besides the unwilHngness to submit to federal 
authority, the lack of technically trained foresters — 
their employment being a requirement of the law — 
and the objection to their employment by the cantons, 
who looked on them as disguised policemen, impeded 
the progress of the reform. Until 1884, each canton 
held its own examinations for forest officials, but in 
that year a standard was enacted for employment 
within the federally supervised territory. 

The most frequent quarrel was as to what was to 
be considered forest and what pasture, so that finally 
as a compromise a classification between the two, 
called pasture woods, was introduced. 

It will be noted that the federal surveillance was to 
extend only to the High Alps above a certain limiting 
line. This limitation was removed, in 1898, by resolu- 
tion of the Council, and change of the constitution, 
by which the federal exercise of water and forest 
police was extended over the whole country, and a bill 
to carry this into effect was introduced. Finally, in 
1902, a revised law was passed establishing fully the 
present Federal forest policy. 

This law places the surveillance of all forest police 
in all forests of Switzerland in the Bund, the private 
forests as well as the public, i.e.. State and communal 
or corporation forests. But, as there are distinctive 
differences in the manner of this surveillance, a differ- 
entiation of ownership conditions and forest con- 
ditions was to be made by the cantons within two 

194 Switzerland. 

The forests are to be divided into protection and 
non-protection forests (by the cantons with sanction 
of the Bund), the former being such as are located at 
headwaters or furnish protection against snowsHdes, 
landsHdes and rockfalls, floods, and climatic damage. 
Most of this segregation had already been made and 
mapped in consequence of the law of 1876. In 1904, 
71% of the total forest area had been classed as pro- 
tective forest; nearly 80% of the communal, and over 
50% of the private forest property. 

All public forests are to be surveyed and their cor- 
ners permanently marked by the cantons according 
to instructions by the Bund, the latter furnishing the 
needed triangulation survey, and inspecting and re- 
vising any older surveys free of charge. 

The surveyed public forests are to be fully regu- 
lated according to a sustained yield management, 
under working plans made according to instructions 
by the Cantons, to be sanctioned by the Bundesrath. 
For the unsurveyed forest areas at least a provisional 
felling budget is to be determined, as nearly as possible 
representing the sustained yield. In protection forests 
the working plans must conform to the objects of these 
forests, and clearings in these are as a rule forbidden. 
The fellings are to be made under direct supervision 
of foresters, and, after being cut, the wood must be 
measured. Sale on the stump is forbidden, otherwise 
no interference in the management is intended. 

Up to 1902, under the law of 1876, working plans 
for 540,000 acres had been made. In 1907, 90,000 
acres of State forest, and over one million acres of 
corporation forests were under working plans. 

Present Forest Policy. 195 

For other than protection forests the law provides 
a number of restrictions, such as the following: Pas- 
ture woods may not be decreased in area except by 
permission of the cantons. Communal forests are not 
to be subdivided without consent of the cantonal 
government, except where two or more communities 
have joint ownership, nor are they to be sold except 
with such permission. Rights of user in public forests, 
especially in protection forests, may be forcibly ex- 
tinguished by the cantonal government, but under 
appeal to the Bundesrath. Money equivalents are 
to be the rule, territorial equivalents to be given only 
by special permission. By 1902, over $300,000 had 
already been spent in extinguishing 2,842 different 
rights of user. The establishment of means of trans- 
portation, roads, etc., is encouraged by subventions 
from the Bund and in other ways. 

Private forests as far as they fall under the classifi- 
cation of protection forests are subject to the same 
supervision and rules as the public forests as regards 
their survey, the prohibition of clearings except by 
permission of the Federal Government, of diminish- 
ing pasture woods, the extinguishment of rights of 
user, the prevention of damaging use, and assistance 
in establishing means of transportation. The cantonal 
government is obliged to insure the execution of these 

In addition, while the law encourages co-operative 
forest management of small holdings as larger units, 
the Bund paying for the cost of effecting such co- 
operation, it empowers the canton or the Bund to 
enforce such co-operative management of protection 


196 Switzerland. 

forest areas in specially endangered localities as at 
the headwaters of torrential streams. Otherwise, 
in the non-protective private forests, only the pro- 
hibition of clearing except by permission of the 
cantonal government, the obligation of reforesting 
felling areas within three years, and of maintaining 
existing pasture woods is ordered. Whereever on 
private properties conversion of forest into farm or 
pasture is permitted (after report of the forest ad- 
ministration of Canton or Bund) an equivalent refor- 
estation of other parts may be ordered. Wherever 
by the reforestation of bare ground protective forest 
areas can be created, this may be ordered, the Federal 
or the Cantonal government contributing towards 
such work; or else, if the owner prefers, he may insist 
upon having his ground expropriated by the Canton 
or other public corporation; the federal government 
assisting in the first case to the extent of 30 to 50% 
of the cost, and in establishing new protection forests 
to the extent of 50 to 80%. 

Before 1902, under the law of 1876, some 16,000 
acres had been reforested and put in order at an ex- 
pense of over one million dollars, the federal govern- 
ment contributing just about fifty per cent. In 1910, 
the area of planted protection forest had grown to 
25,000 acres. 

Besides the various restrictions with provisions of 
penalties for disobedience (from $1 to $100 for each 
transgression) and enforced execution by cantonal 
government, there are a number of directions in which 
the Federal Government makes contributions for the 
purpose of encouraging conservative management. 

Present Forest Policy. 197 

For the salaries of the cantonal higher forest officials 
20 to 35 per cent, are contributed, for the higher cor- 
poration and co-operative association officials 5 to 
25 per cent., for the lower forest service 5 to 20 per 
cent. The Federation participates to the extent of 
one-third in the accident insurance of forest officers; 
a minimum salary of the officials and also their 
proper education being made conditions. To secure 
the latter the Federation pays for teachers and de- 
monstration material under prescribed conditions. 

In 1901, the federal contributions amounted to 
$100,000 in all. In 1903, the total appropriation was 
$126,000, namely, $9,000 for the Inspector-General's 
office; $26,000 towards salaries of cantonal foresters; 
$80,000 towards reboisement; $8,000 towards survey. 
The cantonal governments contributed about the 
same amount outside of the cost of their forest ad- 
ministrations. It is estimated that the budget will 
have to be increased by $50,000 annually for some time 
to come. By 1910, the federal government had 
altogether contributed $2 million in the 35 years 
towards the execution of the law, outside its ad- 
ministrative office. 

The organization which is to carry out this forest 
policy is still the one which originated with the law 
of 1876, somewhat modified by the law of 1892, 
namely, a forestry division in the Department of the^ 
Interior, with one Superior Forest Inspector and three 

The Cantons have their own administrations, 
mostly under one forester of higher grade (called 

198 Switzerland, 

variously Oberforster, Forstinspektor, Forstmeister, 
Oberf orstmeister) . Bern has three co-ordinate Forst- 
inspektor. The Cantons are or are to be districted 
into forest circles (Forstkreise) the subdivision to be 
approved by the Bundesrath, and some are further 
subdivided into ranges (Unterforsterei). These forest 
districts, from 7,500 to 45,000 acres each, are to be 
managed by properly educated and paid foresters 
elected by the people. The eligibility depends upon 
an examination, the theoretical part of which is con- 
ducted by the forest school, the practical part, after 
a year's practical work, is conducted by a commission 
of foresters, after completion of which the candidate 
becomes eligible; the election being for three years, 
and re-election being usual, unless there are good 
reasons against it. 

In 1903, there were employed as administrators 
or managers 119 State (Cantonal) foresters and 33 
Communal foresters, besides 11 Federal forest officials. 
In 1909, the total number had grown to 193, besides 
1091 under-foresters, to whose salaries the Bund con- 
tributed. The State foresters are allowed to manage 
neighbouring communal properties. 

3. Forestry Practice. 

The timber forest is the most general form of silvi- 
cultural management. Selection forest with 150 to 
200 year rotations is practised in the Alps and in the 
smaller private forest areas. Shelterwood system 
in compartments is in use in other parts (with a rota- 
tion of 60 to 80 years in the deciduous, and 80 to 120 
years in conifer forest), supplanting largely the clear- 

Administrative Features. 199 

ing and planting system which had found favor during 
the middle of last century. 

In corporation forests, large areas are still under 
coppice with standards, but will probably soon be con- 
verted into timber forest, a policy favored by cantonal 
instructions. Pure coppice is only rarely met, usually 
confined to the overflow lands and small private 
holdings. In some of the public forests in the French 
territory it is practised with a "double rotation" 
{furetage) according to French pattern. 

Artificial means to secure complete stands in natural 
regenerations is favored by the cantonal regulations, 
but thinning operations are still mostly neglected, 
except where local market for inferior material makes 
them advisable, which is mostly in the plains country, 
where the annual yield from thinnings may represent 
30% of the total harvest yield. 

Conversion from coppice and coppice with standards 
into timber forest, and change from clearing systems 
to natural regeneration (proper for mountain forest), 
and from pure to mixed forest have become general 
provisions of the working plans. 

The average cut in the State forests during four 
years prior to 1893 was over 64 cub. ft. p. acre, and 
42 cub. ft. for the corporation forests; an average for 
all the public forests of round 45 cub. ft., — not a very \ 

good showing as yet. So far, the collection of material 
for yield tables and for a statement of increment and 
stock on hand in the country at large are still insuffi- 
cient, although, in 1882, Prof. Landolt estimated the 
annual product at little less than 500 million cubic 
feet, or 50 cubic feet per acre. 

200 Switzerland. 

Only for the intensively managed city forests of 
Zurich and the cantonal forests of Bern are more 
accurate data available. In the latter, the State 
forests yield 50 cubic feet in the plateau country, 
73 cubic feet, in the middle country, and 76 cubic feet 
in the Jura, while the communal forests of that canton 
yield 15, 66 and 56 cubic feet respectively. Prices for 
wood are higher in the low country than the average 
in Germany and have been steadily rising for the last 
40 years, especially for coniferous saw material which 
at present brings stumpage prices of 12 to 15 cents. 

Owing to these high prices the gross yield of some 
Swiss forests is the largest known in Europe; the city 
forest of Zurich, exhibiting yields of $12, and the 
city forest of Aarau as much as $14 per acre on the 
average, although in the Alps forests the gross yield 
sinks to $3 and $4. The more intensively managed 
city forests mentioned spend on their management 
$6 and even $7 per acre, while most of the State forests 
keep their expenditures within $2.50 to $3.50, and 
in some places down to $1.50 per acre. The net yields 
vary therefore for the State and communal forests 
of the plateau country between $3 and $6.50 for some 
of the city forests from $6.50 to $8 and $9. 

Switzerland has long ago ceased to produce its wood 
requirements, and imports from 8 to 9 million dollars 
annually of wood and wood manufactures. 

4. Educatioji and Literature. 

For the education of the higher forest officials the 
Federal government instituted a two year course at 
the Polytechnicum at Zurich which was founded in 

Education and Literature. 201 

1885, the course being, in 1884, increased to three 
years. Three professors of forestry besides the faculty 
of the institution in fundamental and accessory 
branches are active here, the number of students 
averaging in the neighborhood of thirty-five. 

Two examinations, a scientific and a practical one, 
the latter taken before a special commission, tests the 
eligibility of candidates, foreigners not excluded, for 
positions. For the education of the lower grade fores- 
ters, the Cantons themselves are responsible, the Bund 
only contributing by paying for teachers and demon- 
stration material (about $1,250) to carry on cantonal 
or intercantonal forestry courses. The courses usually 
last from two weeks to two months, in succession or 
divided into spring and fall courses; they are mainly 
practical, and require candidates to be not less than 
18 years of age and to possess a primary school edu- 
cation. Their number must be at least 15, and not 
more than 25. There have also been instituted speci- 
ally conducted excursions and progressive under- 
foresters' courses, as well as additional scientific 
courses which the Bund subsidizes. 

In connection with the Zurich school, forestry 
science and art are furthermore advanced by a well- 
endowed central Forest Experiment Station, with 
several substations and an annual budget of $10,000. 

The greatest credit for the advancement of forestry 
and forest legislation is due to the Swiss Forestry 
Association (365 members in 1911), which was founded 
in 1843, meeting annually in various places, managed 
by a Committee of five elected for 3 years. This Asso- 
ciation is subsidized by the Bund for its educational 

202 Switzerland. 

work. Schweizerische Zeitschrift fiir das Forstwesen 
(begun 1850) is its organ, with Dr. Fankhauser as editor. 
In 1898, an association of underforesters with a 
special organ, Der Forstwirth, came into existence 
(526 members in 1902), and several cantonal foresters* 
associations are also active. 

In the literature, which is largely in German, with 
some French and Italian volumes, notable works 
have appeared and real advances in forestry science 
especially with reference to management of mountain 
forests are due to Swiss writers. 

In 1767, the Societe d'Economie de Zurich published 
a foresters' manual, and during the first quarter of the 
nineteenth century, Zschokke and Kasthofer developed 
silviculture in the Alps. Landolt, in 1860, published 
the results of his investigations (under the order of 
the Bund of 1857) into the forest conditions of the 
Alps, and contributed other volumes along similar lines. 

He was succeeded by the now venerable Dr. J. 
Coaz as Inspector-General of the Bund (still active 
at 90 years of age), who also contributed to the 
science of mountain reboisement and in other direc- 
tions. The work on the management of the City 
forest of Zurich by its long-time manager Meister is 
classic. Under the active direction of Anton Biihler for 
many years, the publication of (now under Dr.Engler), 
Mittheilungen der eidgenossischen C entralan stall Jilr das 
forstliche Versuchswesen, since 1891, have become, im- 
portant contributions to forestry science. In the direc- 
tion of wood technology the name of L. Tetmajer, who 
is conducting timber tests, should be mentioned. 


France is one of the countries in which forestry 
has been practised for a long time and forestry prac- 
tice has been almost as highly developed as in the 
preceding Teutonic countries. 

Germany's neighbor to the West has evolved, 
however, forest policies and practices which are 
different in some respects from those of Germany, 

No complete monographic history of forestry in France is in existence, and 
mainly incomplete notes scattered through various volumes were at the disposal 
of the writer. 

The work which contains the largest amount of historic information is G. " 
HuFFEL, Economie Forestiere, 3 volumes, 1904-1907, pp. i22, 484. 510, perhaps the 
most ambitious work in the French language, which has been largely followed in 
the account here given. It is a collection of ten studies, historical data being 
interspersed throughout the three volumes, the third volume containing one study 
entirely historical. 

L. F. A, Maury, Les forets de la Gaule Vancienne France, 1867, 501 pp. is 
mainly descriptive, but full of interesting historic data and detail up to the revo- 
utionary period. 

JULHS Clav6, Etudes sur I' Economie forestiere, 1862, 377, pp. 12°, while mainly 
a propagandist essay, rehearses to some extent the history of forest practice, 
policies, etc , and gives a good insight into conditions at that time. 

Die forstlichen Verhaltnisse Frankreichs, by Dr. A. v. Sbckendorff, 1879, 
pp. 228, furnishes a few historical notes. 

Three English publications by John Croumbie Brown, Pine Plantations in 
France, Reboisemetit in France, 1876; French Forest Ordinance of 1669, 1882, 
are profuse and not entirely accurate, but give hints of historic development. 

Ch. Guyot, L' enseigtiement forestier en France, 1898, 398 pp., gives an insight 
jnto the development of forestry education and a complete history of the school 
at Nancy, and throws much light on other developments. 

Code de la legislatio7i forestiere, par PuTON, contains all the legislation having 
reference to forests. 

An article on L'id^e forestikre dans I'histoire, by L. F. Tessier, in Revue des 
eaux et forets, 1905, Jan., Feb., gives on 26 pages an interesting brief survey ot 
the history of forest policy in France. 

Forestry in France, by F. Bailey, in the Indian Forester, 1886. 61 pp., de- 
scribes well conditions at that time. 

204 France. 

although the early history of forestry in France was 
largely analogous to that of Germany. Indeed, until 
the end of the ninth century, the two countries being 
undivided, the same usages existed more or less in 
both, except that in the Gallic country Roman in- 
fluence left a stronger imprint, Gallia having been 
long under the dominion of Rome. 

The fact that France has for nearly a thousand 
years been a unit, while Germany has until recently 
been split up into many independent principalities, 
did much for uniform, albeit less ambitious, develop- 
ment in forestry matters. 

Most of the forest policy as it exists to-day was 
inaugurated during the monarchical regime, which 
came to an end in 1871. Since that year, a republican 
form of government, with an assembly of 584, a 
senate of 300 members, under a President elected by 
the legislature for seven years, has been in existence. 

The country is principally a plain, mostly below 
1200 feet in altitude, sloping to the north and west; 
the mountain ranges (Pyrenees, Alps, Jura, Vosges) 
are confined mainly to the south and east boundaries, 
with secondary ranges (Cevennes, Cote d'Or, Au- 
vergne, etc.,) in the southeast part of the country. 

Of the 204,000 square miles of territory, just about 
18 per cent, is wooded, which, with a population of 
nearly 40 million, leaves only about .6 of an acre 
per capita. 

In its present condition this area does not produce 
more than one-third of the home demand, which re- 
quires on the average an import in excess over export 
to the amount of about 25 million dollars ($33 million 

Forest Conditions. 205 

in 1902), representing over 110 million cubic feet 
annually, mostly workwood, while the export is of 
mine props and railroad ties at about half the value 
of the imported wood. 

Since, in 1892, there were still nearly 12% (over 
15 million acres) waste land, opportunity for enlarge- 
ment of the forest area seems to exist. It appears that 
about two-thirds of this waste land is capable of 
bearing forest, and the existing forest area is capable 
of much larger production than the present; three 
quarters of the production being fuel wood. 

The distribution of forest area is very uneven, 
varying from 3.5 to 56 per cent, in the various de- 
partments. Only about 20% of the area is located 
on the mountains, 19% in hill country, and 60% in 
the plains. 

Six forest regions may be differentiated according 
to Huffel, which, however, are mainly geographical 
divisions: the northeast; valleys of Seine and Loire; 
northwest and central; southwest and Pyrenees; 
Mediterranean and Pre-alps; Alps. 

Hardwoods, oak (40%), beech and ash, etc., occupy 
fully 80%, while pine — the two species silvestris and 
maritima, largely planted — represents the bulk of the 
20% of coniferous forest area, fir, spruce and larch in 
the mountains forming a very small part. 

Only 25% of the forest area is timber forest, 38% 
is coppice, and 35% coppice with standards, 2% 
being in process of conversion into timber forest. In 
the State forests alone, however, 68% are timber 
forest or in process of conversion to that form. 

Of the 227 million acres, hardly more than 

206 France. 

one- third, belonging to state and communities, are 
placed under the regime for estier, i.e., supervised and 
managed under working plans. The larger area is 
under coppice. 

Three-fourths of the communal and one-sixth of 
the state's timber forest is managed under selection 
system. Combinations of farm and forest culture 
{sartage and furetage) are still quite extensively prac- 
tised. The production of saw-timber under these 
practices is naturally small. Of the 40 cubic feet of 
wood per acre produced in the better class of managed 
state and communal properties, only 10 cubic feet 
are saw-logs, and if the private forests were taken into 
consideration, the average product, on the whole 
would appear still smaller, the private properties 
being mostly small, poorly managed, and largely 
coppice. Neither the owners, nor their managers and 
guards have, as a rule, any professional education, 
although the means of obtaining it exist in the schools 
at Nancy and Barres. 

Blessed for the largest part with a most favorable 
climate and with rich soil of tertiary formation, the 
difficulties in forestry practices experienced by other, 
more northern and continental countries are hardly 
known. Hence many practices which are successful in 
France might in Germany prove disastrous, and such 
yields as some of the oak forests show, unattainable. 

The greatest interest for the forester attaches to 
the methods of conversion of coppice into timber 
forest, to the extensive areas reforested during the 
last century, which probably exceed 3 million acres, 
and to the reboisement work in the mountains. 

Property Conditions. 207 

1. Development of Forest Property. 

As in Austria, private ownership of forest property 
is largely preponderant, while state property is small. 

In ancient Gaul, the Romans found the forest out- 
side of holy groves as communal property. After 
the conquest, all the unseated lands, especially the 
extensive mountain forests, were declared either State 
or imperial property — more than half the whole terri- 
tory — and were managed as res publica by the ad- 
ministrators of public affairs. And while later, with 
the advent of the German hordes, property conditions 
shaped themselves somewhat according to their ways, 
the influence of the Roman law and institutions were 
never quite eradicated. 

The country, outside of the public property, was 
by the Romans divided into communities, called 
fundus, each placed under a Gallic seigneur (eques), a 
former chief, now proprietor, his tribesmen and the 
remnants of the earlier sessile population becoming 
serfs. One-third of the fundus was handed to the 
serfs as their property and divided among them — the 
first private property — ; another third was retained 
by the seigneur and utilized by means of the service 
of the serfs {corvees), but usually also burdened by 
rights of user on their part; and the last third became 
common property of the community at large. There 
remained, however, here and there, also, some of the 
original free communes or Mark (victis), so that five 
different property classes were in existence. 

The 5th century saw the Teutonic tribes, Suevi, 
Alani, Vandals and Burgundians, overwhelm the 

208 France. 

Romans, who had for 500 years kept the Gallo- 
Celtic population under their rule; and these were 
followed by Visigoths and Franks, who in turn took 
possession of the country. The conquerors did not 
drive out the Gallo-Romans, but merely quartered 
themselves on them under the euphemistic title of 
"guests," assuming to themselves two- thirds of each 
estate, and leaving the remainder to their "hosts." On 
these lands, undoubtedly, similar economic and social 
institutions were developed as in Germany. Com- 
munal ownership under these was at first developed 
to such an extent that the Salic laws declared all trees 
which were not reserved by special sign as subject 
to the use of all and any of the Markers. But later, 
as in Germany, the socialistic Mark was followed 
by the feudal system with its ban forests and the 
creation of great landed proprietors or lords. 

When Clovis, the king of the Franks, in the first 
decade of the 6th century defeated the Visigoths and 
took possession of the country (see p. 29), he found 
communal forests of the villagers (vicus), property 
of seigneurs (equites), royal forests and State forests, 
remnants of Roman origin. The latter properties 
and much of the Mark forests he claimed for himself 
and divided two-thirds among his vassals; but the 
larger part of the other third became also gradually 
property of the nobility and church, so that, by the 
12th century, only a relatively small royal property 
remained. Afterwards, the royal or State property 
grew again in various ways, as the power of the kings 
grew. In 1539, Francis I declared the same in- 
plienable. But neither himself nor his successors paid 

Development of Property. 209 

heed to this self-imposed prohibition and, whenever 
financial troubles made it expedient, they disposed 
of some of their holdings. 

By the ordinance of 1566 {Edit de Moulins), King 
Charles IX again declared the domain of the crown 
inalienable. Nevertheless he himself In the same year, 
and repeatedly afterwards, sold parts of his domain. 
Henry III, In 1579, renewed the ordinance of non- 
alienation and restored some of the last parcels to 
the domain by the exercise of the royal right. Jilm- 
self and his successors, however, continually broke 
this contract, and the royal domain decreased while 
that of the seigneurs grew. Similarly to what hap- 
pened in Germany, the church property was taken 
by machination or force to increase the holdings of 
kings or seigneurs. Nevertheless, at the beginning 
of the revolution in 1789, the royal domain comprised 
not more than 1,200,000 acres, producing a net in- 
come of 1.2 million dollars. Then followed an era 
of ups and downs, continuous changes of policy, 
increases and decreases of the property until with 
the inauguration of the republic, in 1871, comparative 
stability was secured. 

In 1791, after the revolution, the royal property 
became national domain, and by further spoliation 
of church property, and otherwise, attained an area 
of 4,300,000 acres. In the law of 1791, a distinction 
was made between the inalienable domain, which 
comprises roads, canals, fortresses, harbors, etc., and 
the alienable national domain. Including the forest 
and other property derived from royal or crown 
domains. To this national domain was added, by 

210 France. 

the law of 1792, the forest property of the refugees of 
the revolution which was, however, later for the most 
part restored or indemnified. Finally, when, by the 
treaty of Basel (1795), the French frontier had been 
pushed to the Rhine, the total state forest had grown 
to around 6,500,000 acres, nearly one-third of the 
total forest area. 

But, through sales and otherwise, this area 
had, by 1815, been reduced to 3,200,000 acres, 
and during the period until 1872, the area had 
been further again reduced to less than 2,500,000 
acres. At present (1905) it comprises 2.9 mil- 
lion acres, or less than 12 per cent., of the 
total forest area, 55 per cent, of which comes 
from the original royal domain, 22 per cent, from 
original church property and 23 per cent, from recent 
acquisitions, secured under the laws of reboisement 
of mountains, sand dunes, etc. 

The communal property developed largely in a 
similar manner as in Germany, from the Mark, and 
through the feudal system, with its rights of user as 
a result. In the twelfth century, the grandees or 
seigneurs were active in colonizing their domains, 
acquired as fiefs or otherwise, with serfs and others, 
giving them charters for villages with communal 
privileges and rights. Under this method, another 
kind of communal forest property grew up, by written 
instruments or contracts, in which limitations and 
reservations of rights are imposed by the seigneurs. 
One of the most usual conditions of the contract 
was the prevention of clearing or sale; at the same 
time a new set of rights of user, this time on the part 

Communal Property. 211 

of the seigneur, brought new complications. One of 
the worst features originating in the 14th century as 
an outgrowth of feudal relations, was "the right of 
the third" {triage), which gave to the seigneur, when- 
ever he wished to exercise it, one-third of the property 
free of all rights of user. In this way, the communal 
area was diminished until, in 1667, the widespread 
abuse of this right led to an ordinance abolishing it. 
It was, however, re-established by the ordinance of 
1669 in all cases where the forest had been gratui- 
tously ceded by the seigneurs, or when the remaining 
two-thirds was deemed sufficient for the needs of the 
parish. Not until 1790-1792 was this exorbitant 
right finally abolished. 

As an outgrowth of the revolutionary doctrine of 
1793, the most radical legislation decreed presumptive 
ownership by the municipal corporations of all lands 
for which the claimant could not show a deed of pur- 
chase, excluding any title acquired as a result of 
feudal relations. The day of revenge of all old wrongs 
had come, and, appeal to justice being useless, the 
municipalities increased their holdings freely. K\- 
though later legislation attempted to arrest this 
public theft and to restitute some of the stolen pro- 
perty, much of the communal forest area of to-day 
consists of this kind of ill-gotten property. 

Another method of increasing municipal properties 
was by exchange of territory for the rights of user. 
EfTorts to get rid of these rights, which grew up as 
described and to prevent their extension were insti- 
tuted much earlier than in Germany, Philip of Valois 
expressly forbidding such extension as early as 1346. 

212 France. 

Nevertheless they continued to grow so that, by 
the middle of the 18th century, they were as general 
and afforded as great a hindrance to forest manage- 
ment, as in Germany. The ordinance of 1669 also 
provided for the extinction of these rights, apparently 
without much success, and the troublesome times 
after 1789 increased their number. Only when the 
orderly regime following the reign of Napoleon gave 
•rise to the Code Forestier (1827), was a systematic 
attempt for their extinguishment by the cession of 
territory and cash payment begun, and by this time 
the extinction may be considered practically concluded, 
at least for the state and communal property. 

Private property, not seignorial, was but little 
developed before the 16th century; after that the 
frequent sales by the kings and barons gave rise to 
small forest owners, so that, by 1789, over 10 million 
acres were in such possession. During the 19th cen- 
tury this grew by purchase, by cessions, and by re- 
forestation of waste lands to double that amount, 
not less than two million acres being added by the 
latter cause alone, while some decrease came from 

In 1905, private holdings comprised 15 million 
acres or 65 per cent, of the total; the communal and 
institutional forests 4.8 million acres or 21 per cent., 
leaving for State forest 2.9 million acres, or a little 
over 12 per cent, of the total of 22.7 million acres. 
Twenty-two per cent, of state and communal pro- 
perty is, however, waste land, and such areas in pri- 
vate hands may be six times as large; there being alto- 
gether between 14 and 15 million acres of waste lands. 

Early Methods of Administration. 213 

2. Development of Forest Administration. 

In the earlier times, and, indeed, into the 18th 
century, the most important use of the forest was in 
the mast from oak and beech for the pigs and 
pasture for the cattle, besides firewood, for which 
mostly the soft woods were used. This was given 
free from the royal domain, and the administration 
consisted mainly in regulating this use. The main 
incentive for the regulation of forest use on the part 
of the king were the interests of the chase. 

Towards the end of the ninth century, special 
forest officers, forestarii, are mentioned in Charle- 
magne's celebrated capitularitim, which describes 
in detail the administration of the public domains. 
These were, to be sure, only lower rank officials, 
working under mayors, intendants and the count 
(comes), who was the administrator and soon inde- 
pendent arbiter of the royal domain as well as of the 
administration of justice in general. His office early 
became hereditary. 

The first mention of "forest masters" {mattres 
des eaux et forets) dates back to 1291, and later ordi- 
nances mention higher officials. But the credit for 
a full and detail organization and regulation of 
management belongs to Charles V, the wise Valois, 
in his ordinance of 1376. This organization, after 
various changes, by the end of the 16th century, under 
the reign of Henry IV, took about the following form : 

Under a general superintendent of forests, titulary 
head of the forest service, a number of grands maitres, 
generaux reformateurs des eaux et forets, some 17, were 

214 France. 

appointed by the King to watch over the conduct of 
the mattres and gruyers, officers in charge of the forest 
districts (maitrises). All of these officials had their 
deputies and lieutenants under various designations 
(procureur du roi, greffier, gardemarteau, sergen du 
garde, etc. 

A stamping hammer (kept by the gardemarteau) 
was empioj^ed for marking trees which defined the 
boundaries, or which were to be reserved in the fellings. 
In addition to these regular officers there were em- 
ployed a great number of capitaines des chasses whose 
functions, as the title indicates, related mainly to the 
chase. The function of the forestmasters did not 
stop with the supervision of the use of the forest and 
sale of wood, but included also the jurisdiction of all 
misdemeanors and crimes committed in the royal, 
and later, in all forests. They became thus gradually 
a privileged class of immense power. Graft and sale 
of offices became the order of the day. Sometimes 
the offices were made hereditary, and again were 
limited to three or four years' tenure, in the endeavour 
to break up the shameful practices. For nearly three 
centuries all efforts at reform were failures. 

The method of prescribing the rules and regula- 
tions during the 12th to 17th century was by ordi- 
nances like those issued by the German princes; the 
first ordinance on record being that issued by Louis VI 
in 1215. These ordinances usually appeared under 
the name Lefait des eaux etjorets (the matters of waters 
and woods), curiously enough thus suggesting the 
relation of the two. The latter term was used exactly 
like that of the German Forst, designating the reserved 

Colbert's Reform. 215 

territory under the ban, while hois is used to designate 
actual woodland (silva). 

In 1376, Charles V, in his endeavor to build up a 
navy against England, made reservations for naval 
timber and also issued the ordinance of Melun, a 
general forest code, the provisions of which lasted 
largely until the reform of 1669. In 1402, the many 
ordinances, often contradictory were codified under 
one text, and another codification was made under 
Francis I in 1515. 

By the middle of the 17th century the devastation 
of forests had progressed so far, and the abuses in the 
management of the royal domain had become so evident 
that Louis XIV's great minister, Colbert, was induced 
to make the historical remark "France will perish 
for lack of woods." Again the needs of the navy 
was the prime incentive of the vigorous reform which 
he instituted after a most searching investigation. 
The result was the celebrated forest ordinance of 1669. 
For this purpose he appointed, in 1662, a commission 
which not only investigated conditions but was 
clothed with power to reform the abuses which it 
might discover. For this work he selected four trusted 
men outside of the forest service, to whom later more 
were added, and gave them the aid of technical ad- 
visers, among whom Froudoir seems to have been most 
prominent. Colbert himself gave close attention to 
this work of reform. As the first act, the commission 
recommended the ceasing of all cutting in the royal 
forests, and, after deliberation and consultation with 
interested parties through eight years, the final law 
was enacted, a masterpiece whose principles and 

216 France. 

prescriptions to an extent have persisted into the 19th 
century. The commission from time to time made 
reports, giving their findings in detail, and these form 
a most interesting record of conditions prevaihng at 
that time. As one of the historians (Joubain) puts it, 
"the commissioners did not recoil before long hours 
of inspection nor high influence, they neither hesitated 
to declare against, nor prosecute, great and small 
alike, nor to pronounce a most serious sentence." A 
thorough cleaning up was done and a complete re- 
organization secured. 

By this ordinance, three special courts of adjudica- 
tion in matters pertaining to the forests were estab- 
lished, with special officers whose duties were care- 
fully defined, namely the courts of the Gruries, of the 
Maitrises and the Tables de Marbre. The first named, 
lower grade courts took cognizance of the lesser 
offences, abuses, wastes and malversations, disputes 
in regard to fishing or chase, and murders arising out 
of these; gruries being the woods belonging to in- 
dividuals in which the jurisdiction and the profit 
from such jurisdiction belonged to the king, or at 
least to the seigneurs. The courts of the maitrise 
referred to the forest territory placed under adminis- 
tration of the mattres particuliers (Forstmeister), and 
were established near the many royal forests as courts 
of appeal in forest matters. A final appeal could be 
made to the tables de marbre (courts of the marble 
table), which also decided on the more weighty ques- 
tions of proprietorship by whatever term held, and 
especially civil and criminal cases relating to the eaux 
et forets; the wrong doings in the discharge of official 

Colbert's Reform. 217 

duties (abas), contraventions to the orders and regu- 
lations, misdemeanors or depredations (delit) ; and 
all kinds of fraud not included under those cited 
(malversations) . 

The whole country was divided into 18 arrondisse- 
ments of grandes-mattrises des eaux et forets and these 
were divided into 134 maitrises, each under a mattre 
particulier, with a lieutenant, a gar de-mar teau, a garde 
general, two arpenteurs and a number of gardes. A 
financial branch for the handling of moneys, and the 
judicial branch represented by the three courts de- 
scribed above, completed the organization, which 
lasted until the revolution, albeit some details were 
changed soon after its enactment, and the ofifices 
became again purchaseable and hereditary. 

The sale of royal forests was again forbidden, 
penalties being provided for the eventual purchaser. 
Theft and incendiarism were severely punished, 
and specific rules of management were estab- 

Clearings could only be made by permission even 
on the part of private owners. The methods of sale 
and harvest were determined. The prescriptions of 
older ordinances were renewed to the effect that at 
least 13 to 16 seed trees (baliveaux) per acre in the 
coppice, and 8 seed trees in timber forest, were to be 
reserved in all forests without exception. Private 
owners were not to cut these seed trees before they 
were 40 years old in the coppice, and 120 years in the 
timber forest, while in the public and church forests 
these seed trees were treated like reserves. Similarly, 
the prescription that no woods were to be cut before 

218 France. 

10 years of age was revived from former ordinances, 
the time later (1787) being increased for public forests 
to 25 years. Also the obligation to keep one-fourth 
of the forest in reserve, which Charles IX had decreed 
in 1560, was renewed for the public forests (those 
belonging to corporations and other public institu- 
tions). For the fir forests of the mountains, which 
had become important as furnishers of ship masts, 
special regulations were issued, and the mast timber 
reserved for the crown. 

There was lively opposition to the enforcement of 
these prescriptions, especially where they interfered 
with property rights, nevertheless they persisted 
until the changes brought about by the revolution 
of 1789. 

Certain prescriptions, as for instance the exclusion 
of sheepherding were never enforced, and this practice 
continues even to-day in certain sections. 

As a result of the reform, however, the revenues 
from the royal forests trebled in 20 years. 

During the 18th century, several famines occurred 
and led to the encouragement of extending farm 
operations at the expense of the forest, notably in 
the sixties, when among other similar efforts some 
200 families returning from Canada after the English 
conquest were colonized in the forests of Poitou. At 
that time, also the "declaration" of 1766 exempted 
those who cleared land for farm purposes for 15 years 
from all taxes. As a result of this invitation some 
750,000 acres were cleared, and the practice of clear- 
ing for farm use continued until the middle of the 
19th century. In this way, by inconsiderately ex- 

Revolutionary Influences. 219 

posing soil which would not everywhere be found 
adapted to farm use, wastes naturally existing were 
greatly increased. 

The revolution brought with it sudden and dis- 
astrous changes. The law of 1791 abolished not 
only the jurisdiction of the mattrises, but removed 
all restraint, and thereby inaugurated widespread des- 
struction and devastation of forest property against 
which legislative attempts of the republican govern- 
ment were entirely powerless Not only did the 
peasants take advantage of the disorder, and the 
municipalities cut their reserves without hindrance 
but extraordinary fellings in the state forests were 
necessitated by the needs of the navy and the ex- 
chequer. In 1801, after various previous attempts 
at organization. Napoleon reorganized the service, 
with five administrators, 30 conservators, 200 in- 
spectors and 8,600 inferior officers. At that time, it 
appears that the revenue from the public forest domain 
amounted to $6,000,000, a sum justifying such elabo- 
rate organization. But otherwise the methods of 
Colbert's ordinance were revived. Devastation, how- 
ever, continued. 

Incompetence in the service, was again introduced 
when in 1811 half the number of officials was recruited 
from superannuated army officers. In 1817, the whole 
forest service was abolished, and the properties placed 
in the hands of the fiscal agents of the government 
without any technical knowledge. The old order of 
things was, however, re-established in 1820, and soon 
after the final organization which has lasted to date 
was effected. 

220 France, 

3. Development of Modern Forest Policy. 

In 1822, a commission composed of foresters was 
instituted to revise the ordinance of 1669, which, here 
and there modified, had continued to be vaUd, except 
during the revolutionary period- The result of the 
work of this commission was the Code Forestier (1829) 
which is the law of the present day. In it, principles 
are laid down under which the state, communal and 
other public forests are to be managed. 

All forests submitted to the regime forestier y namely, 
the state and communal forests and those belonging 
to public institutions, are entirely managed by the 
state forest administration, the communities or 
other public forest owners paying for the service not 
to exceed 9 cents per acre, or 5 per cent, of the revenue. 
All jurisdiction and execution of forestry laws is in 
the hands of the officials of the Forest Administra- 
tion. The foresters of the state have the exclusive 
responsibility of making and executing working plans, 
without interference by the municipalities after the 
plans have once been submitted and approved by 
them. The corporations have not even the right to 
appoint their own guards, all such being appointed 
by the prefects of the departments upon recommend- 
ation by the forest department. 

The fellings, usually performed by the purchaser, 
(the wood being sold on the stump), are supervised 
most rigorously, making even the smallest deviations 
from the conditions of the contract sale, which other- 
wise would only entail the payment of damage, punish- 
able by fine; and the responsibility for any trespass 

Code Forestier. 221 

which may occur on the land reaches 250 yards beyond 
the Hmits of the purchaser's territory, unless he gives 
proper warning and tries to find out the perpetrators 
of the same. Legal proceedings are brought before 
the courts of correction, and are greatly simplified, 
as is customary in Germany. 

The public forests may not be sold, mortgaged or 
divided, and the product can be sold only through 
state foresters. As in the olden times, one-quarter 
of the stands in the timber forests, and one-fourth 
of the felling budget in the coppice is placed in reserve 
for urgent or unforeseen needs. 

In addition to these and other restrictions which 
refer to the public forests, there are prescriptions 
which apply to all woods in general. All foresters 
employed, even on private properties, have sheriff's 
power. Walking in the woods with axe, saw and wagon 
outside of the public roads which pass through them, 
is forbidden; the making of fires is forbidden; the 
making of fire lines, 20 yards wide, between private 
forests can be enforced by either owner, and railroads, 
along their rights of way, are required to make such. 
By special law of 1893, the setting of fires even within 
200 yards of a wood is forbidden in certain regions, 
and the punishment of infractions of these laws is 
very severe. 

The rights of user are gauged by the administration 
according to the possible yield, even in private forests, 
and are surrounded by many other restrictions; the 
wood. falling under such rights of user is cut and de- 
livered by the forest agents, and the rights can^be 
forcibly extinguished by exchange of territory. 

222 France. 

The supervision of the communal forests which 
had, indeed, existed since the 16th century was by 
no means an easy task. The opposition to it which 
had always existed and was, in earlier times, justified 
by the incompetence and graft of the officials, continued 
even after this justification of it had ceased. Thanks 
to the tact and efficiency of the officials of the modern 
period, the opposition has been largely overcome, 
and, thanks to the progress made in enforcing these 
rigorous laws, their necessity has almost vanished, 
and, at present, relatively few infractions need to be 
investigated and punished. Moreover, the rigor of the 
original law was somewhat abated by the law of 1859. 

There are, however, voices which proclaim that the 
supervision by the government is not as thorough 
as it should be, and that the conditions of the com- 
munal property have deteriorated. 

While the supervision of the management of com- 
munal property is mainly based on fiscal considera- 
tions, the Code forestier also authorizes the ad- 
ministration to interfere in the management of forests 
whose influence on the public welfare can be demon- 

In order to assure the possibility of such interfer- 
ence, every private owner who desires to clear land 
is required to advise the government of his purpose, 
when the administration can prevent such clearing, 
if deemed necessary to prevent landslides, erosion 
and torrential action, to protect watersources, sand 
dunes, /or defensive purposes at the frontier (!), and 
for public health. Otherwise, the management of 
private forest is unhampered. 

Administration. 223 

By special legislation, enacted in 1860 and 1882, 
however, the special cases of torrential action were 
taken care of in a special manner, which will be set 
forth in following pages. The reboisement law^ of 1882 
authorizes the administration to acquire by expro- 
priation mountain forests or mountain slopes needed 
for reforestation for the sake of safeguarding them 
and preventing torrential damage. 

For Algiers, the same authorization to expropriate 
was extended by law of 1903 to include all such areas 
on v/hich according to the Code forestier the ad- 
ministration might forbid clearing, and such exten- 
sion is advocated for the m^other country. 

As a rule the administration has been able to avoid 
expropriation and secure the territories by voluntary 
sale at less than $10 per acre. 

At present, the forest service is under the Minister 
of Agriculture as President of the Forestry Council, 
with a Director-General as Vice President and 
technical head, and three Administrateitrs Verifica- 
teurs generaux, chiefs of the three bureaux into 
which the administration is divided, each with two 
chiefs of sections. Inspectors, and the necessary office 
staff. For purposes of the local administration the 
forest area is divided into 32 conservations, each 
under charge of a Conservateur equivalent to the 
German Oberforstmeister. These are again sub- 
divided into Chefferies or Inspections, two to tVv'elve 
in each conservation, which are administrative units, 
under the supervision of Inspectors (200) and Assis- 
tant Inspectors (210). In addition, a special service 
for forest-organization and reboisement employs 14 

224 France. 

inspectors and some 20 assistants. The forest dis- 
tricts or cantonments (ranges) finally are under 
the direct charge of Gardes generaux (162), with 
the assistance of Gardes generaux stagiaires (67) 
and underforesters or guards {Brigadiers) (3,650); 
altogether a personnel of over 4,400 officials. While 
this is a larger force per acreage, yet the expense for 
personnel per acre is less than one-half that of the 
Prussian forest administration, and one-quarter of 
that in several of the other German state admini- 

In 1909, a reorganization was effected improving 
to some extent the salaries. 

The legislation of 1909 also further strengthens 
State influence by placing certain private properties 
under the control of the Administration, and allow- 
ing the latter to undertake the management of private 
properties at the request of owners for a considera- 

The budget for 1911 places the total expenditure for 
the Forest Administration at 3 million dollars (98 cents 
per acre), of which 950,000 for reboisement and other 
improvement work. The receipts for the last five 
years have averaged near 7 million dollars, so that 
a net result of $1.60 per acre seems attained, con- 
sidering the expense of reboisement as new invest- 

4. Work of Reforestation. 

The most noted work of the forest administration, 
and one for which it deserves high credit, has been 
that of the reclamation of waste lands, of which, in 

Work of Reforestation. 225 

1879, it was estimated there were still 20,000,000 acres 
in extent. Especially the "reboisement" work in 
the Alpine districts, as a result of the law of 1882, has 
become celebrated. 

The movement for recovery of waste lands dates 
from the beginning of the 19th century, and to-day 
reforestation by state, communal and private effort 
encouraged by legislative acts during the last sixty 
years, has restored well-nigh more than 3,000,000 acres 
of ground which had been lost to forest production. 

There are four definite regions of large extent in 
which systematic effort in this direction has been 
made, namely, the sand dunes of Gascony and the 
Landes of Southwestern France; the sandy plains of La 
Sologne; the limestone wastes of Champagne; and the 
mountain slopes in the Vosges and Jura-Alps. 

The sand dunes on the coast of France comprise 
around 350,000 acres; those on the coast of Gascony 
in Southwest France alone have an extent of nearly 
250,000 acres, these being the most important and 
having for a long time endangered the adjoining 
pastures and fields. It seems that the land occupied 
by dunes was originally forested, and that these were 
created by deforestation. 

As early as 1717, successful attempts at reforesta- 
tion were made by the inhabitants of La Teste, and 
from that time on sporadically small plantings came 
into existence. But the inauguration of systematic 
reforestation was begun only after a notable report 
by Bremontier, who, in 1786, secured, as chief engi- 
neer of the department of Bordeaux, a sum of $10,000 

226 France. 

to be employed in ascertaining the possibilities of 
draining the Landes by means of a canal, and of 
fixing the dunes. As a result of this beginning, the 
method for their recovery having been, by 1793, ex- 
perimentally determined by Bremontier, 275,000 
acres of moving sand have been fixed during the last 
century. The revolutionary government, in 1799, 
created a Commission of Dunes, of which Bremontier 
was made president, and annual appropriation of 
$10,000 v/as made, later (in 1808) increased to $15,000. 
In 1817, the work was transferred to the Adminis- 
tration des Fonts et Chausses. The appropriations 
were increased until, in 1854, they reached $100,000 
a year, and in 1865, the work being nearly finished, 
the dunes were handed over to the forest adminis- 
tration. There being still about 20,000 acres to be 
recovered, this was achieved in 1865, when 200,000 
acres had been reforested at an expense of about 
$2,000,000, and an additional expense of $700,000 
to organize the newly formed pine forests — Pinus 
maritima was entirely used. These, at present, 
with their resinous products and wood are furnishing 
valuable material. An unfortunate policy of ceding 
some of these forest areas to private and communal 
owners, who claimed them as of ancient right, and 
also of sales was inaugurated just as the planting 
was finished, so that at present only 125,000 acres 
remain in the hands of the state. The returns from 
the sales, however, reimbursed the cost of the re- 
boisement in excess by $140,000, so that the state 
really acquired for nothing, a property, now estimated 
to be worth $10,000,000. 

Reforestation Work. 227 

A similar plantation on moving sands, of 35,000 
acres, is found north of this tract. 

To the eastward of this region of dunes stretch the 
so-called Landes, a territory triangular in shape, 
containing 2,000,000 acres of shifting sands and 
marshes, on which a poor population of shepherds (on 
stilts) used to eke out a living. In 1873, Chambrelent, 
an engineer of the administration of bridges and roads 
{administration des ponts et chaiisses), conceived 
the idea of improving this section by reforestation, 
and at his own expense recovered some 1,200 acres 
in the worst marsh by ditching and planting. The 
success of this plantation invited imitators, and, by 
1855, the reforested area had grown to 50,000 acres. 
This led, in 1857, to the passage of a law ordering 
forestation of the parts of the land owned by the state 
as well as by the communities, the state at the same 
time undertaking the expense of building a system of 
roads and making the plans for forestation free of 
charge. The communities were allowed to sell a part 
of the reclaimed land in order to recover the expense, 
and sold some 470,000 acres for 2.7 miUion dollars, 
of which less than $300,000 were used to forest the 
250,000 acres belonging to them. From 1850 to 1892, 
private owners imitating the government and com- 
munal work, altogether nearly 1,750,000 acres were 
covered with pine forest at a cost of $4.00 to $5.00 
per acre, or, including the building of roads, for a 
total expenditure of around $10,000,000. In 1877, 
the value of the then recovered area was estimated 
at over $40,000,000, this figure being arrived at by 
calculating the possible net revenues of a pinery under 

228 France. 

a 75 years rotation, which was figured at $2.50 per 
acre, with a production of 51 cubic feet per acre and 
200 quarts of resin (at $3). An estimate of recent 
date places the value of the recovered area at 

Centrally located between the valleys of the Loire 
and the Cher, near Orleans, lies the region of La 
Sologne, a sandy, poorly drained plain upon an im- 
penetrable calcareous sub-soil giving rise to stagnant 
waters; this region too had been originally densely 
wooded, and was described as a paradise in early 
times; but from the beginning of the 17th century 
to the end of the 18th it was deforested, making it 
an unhealthy, useless waste. By 1787, 1,250,000 
acres of this territory had become absolutely aban- 

About the middle of the 19th century, a number of 
influential citizens constituted themselves a committee 
to begin its work of recovery, the Director General 
of Forests being authorized to assume the presidency 
of that committee. As a result, a canal 25 miles in 
length and 350 miles of road were built, and some 
200,000 acres, all non-agricultural lands, were sowed 
and planted with Maritime and Scotch Pine, the state 
furnishing assistance through the forest service and 
otherwise. A set-back occurred during the severe 
winter of 1879, frost killing many of the younger 
plantations, which led to the substitution of the 
hardier Scotch Pine for the Maritime Pine in the 
plantings. The cost per acre set out with about 3,500 
two-year old seedlings amounted to $5.00. An 

Reforestation Work. 229 

estimate of the value of these plantations places it 
at, not less than $18,000,000, so that lands which 
50 years ago, could hardly be sold for $4.00 per acre, 
now bring over $3.00 as an annual revenue. 

In the province of Champagne, South of Rheims, a 
plain of arid lime-stone wastes of an extent which 
in the 18th century had reached 1,750,000 acres is 
found. About 1807, the movement for the recovery 
of these wastes began; first in a small way, gaining 
strength by 1830 after some sporadic experiments 
had shown the possibility of reforestation, and to-day 
over 200,000 acres of coniferous forest (mainly Aus- 
trian and Scotch Pine), largely planted by private 
incentive, are in existence, the better acres being 
farmed. It is interesting to note that land which 50 
years ago was often sold without measurement by 
distance, "as far as the cry would carry," and rarely 
for more than $4.00 per acre, is to-day worth over 
$40.00 at a cost for planting of less than $25.00. The 
stumpage value of a thirty years' growth is figured at 
from $50 to $100, the total forest area is valued at 
$10,000,000, with net revenue from the 200,000 acres 
at $2.00 per acre. 

France is unfortunate in having within her territory, 
although so little mountainous, the largest propor- 
tion of the area in Europe liable to torrential action. 
Not less than 1,462 brooks and mountain streams 
have been counted as dangerous waters in the Alps, 
the Cevennes, and the Pyrenees mountains; or two- 
thirds of the torrents of Europe. An area nearly 

230 France. 

1,000,000 acres in extent, of mountain slopes, is ex- 
posed to the ravages of these waters by erosion. 

Here the most forcible demonstration of the value 
of a forest cover in protecting watersheds was 
furnished by the results of the extensive forest 
destruction and devastation which took place 
especially during and following the years of the 

Long ago, in the 16th century, the local parliaments 
had enacted decrees against clearing in the moun- 
tains, with severe fines, confiscation and even corporal 
punishment, and these restrictions had been generally 
effective; but during the Revolutionary period all 
these wholesome restrictions vanished; inconsiderate 
exploitation by the farmers began, and the damage 
came so rapidly that in less than ten years after the 
beginning of freedom, the effect was felt. Within 
three years (1792), the first complaints of the result of 
unrestricted cutting were heard, and, by 1803, they 
were quite general. The brooks had changed to 
torrents, inundating the plains, tearing away fertile 
lands or silting them over with the debris carried 
down from the mountains. Yet in spite of these 
early warnings and the theoretical discussions by such 
men as Boussingault, Becquerel and others, the des- 
tructive work by axe, fire and over-pasturing pro- 
gressed until about 8.000,000 acres of tillable land had 
been rendered more or less useless, and the population 
of 18 departments had been impoverished or reduced 
in number by emigration. 

A young engineer, Surell, was the first to study the 
possibility of coping with the evil and proved in his 

Rehoisement Work. 231 

Etude sur les torrents y in 1841, its relation to forest 
cover, and the need of attacking it at the sources. 
The first work of recovery was tentatively begun 
in 1843, but the political events following did not 
promote its extension, until, in 1860, a special law 
charged the Forest Department with the mission of 
extinguishing the torrents. There were recognized 
two categories of work, the one, considered of general 
public interest being designated as obligatory, the 
other with less immediate need being facultative; the 
territories devastated by each river and Its affluents 
on which the work of recovery was to be executed 
were known as perimeters. In the obligatory peri- 
meters, private lands were to be acquired by the state 
by process of expropriation, the communal properties 
were to be only for a time occupied by the state and 
after the achievement of the recovery were to be 
restituted on payment of the expense of the work; 
or else the corporation could get rid of the debt by 
ceding one-half of Its property to the state. 

In the facultative perimeters, the state was simply 
to assist In the work of recovery by gratuitous dis- 
tribution of seeds and plants, or even by money sub- 
ventions In some cases. It appeared hard that the 
poor mountaineers should have to bear all the expense 
of the extinction of the torrents, and much complaint 
was heard. In response to these complaints, In 1864, 
a law was passed allowing the substitution of sodding 
instead of forest planting for at least part of the 
perimeters, with a view of securing pastures; but this 
method seems not to have been successful and was 
mostly not employed. 

232 France. 

Finally, by the reboisement law of 1882, the com- 
plaints of the mountaineers were properly taken 
care of by placing the entire expense of the reboise- 
ment work on the state. The attitude of the moun- 
taineers, which was at first hostile, due to the restric- 
tion of the pasture, has been overcome by the bene- 
ficial results of the work, and now the most hostile 
are ready to offer gratuitously their territory to the 
Forest Department. Wherever necessary the state 
has bought territory, and from year to year has in- 
creased its holdings, and continues to acquire land 
at the rate of 25,000 to 30,000 acres per year, the 
budget of 1902, for instance, containing $1,000,000 
for this purpose; that of 1911, only $40,000. 

Altogether the state had, up to 1900, acquired 
400,000 acres, of which 218,000 have been planted, 
and it is estimated that about 430,000 acres more 
will have to be acquired. The total expense, outside 
of subventions to communities and private owners, 
up to 1900 has been over $13,000,000, of which some- 
what over $5,000,000 was expended for purchases. 
It is estimated that round $25 to $30 million more 
will be needed to complete the work. Of the 1,462 
torrents there were in 1893, 163 entirely controlled, 
and 654 begun to be "cured." Among the former, 
there were 31 which 50 years ago were considered 
by engineers incurable. It is estimated that, with 
the expenditure of $600,000 per annum, the work 
may be finished by 1945. The names of Matthieu 
and Demontzey, especially the latter, are indelibly 
connected with this great work. 

Lately, however, Briot in his classical work Les 

Forest Practice. 233 

Alpes francaises criticizes severely as improperly 
extravagant the large expenditures in places where 
the result does not warrant them, and proclaims as 
illusory some of the methods adopted. 

5. Forestry Science and Practice. 

Until the 16th century, whatever regulations 
had been issued regarding forest use were merely of 
administrative or police character and had nothing 
to do with management or silviculture, except per- 
haps so far as the number of baliveaux, reserved 
trees to be left, might be considered as bearing upon 
the subject. The reformateurs who were from time 
to time appointed had to deal only with judicial ques- 
tions and abuses; and usually the ordinances referred 
onl}^ to special forests, but in 1563, the Table de 
niarbre of Paris issued instructions which were to 
serve in all forests. 

A futile attempt to secure statistical knowledge of 
the forest domain was made, apparently with a view 
to regulation of the cut, by de Fleury, the chief of 
the forest service in 1561. In default of data from 
many of the mattrises, a provisional partial order 
to regulate the cut was issued in 1573, which remained 
in force for a hundred years, and was regularly dis- 
regarded, extraordinary cuts being made without 
authority and with the connivance of the officers. 

An ordinance of 1579 describes the deplorable con- 
dition of the forests at length, and calls for statistical 
data, but again without result. A number of further 
ordinances also made no impression upon the callous 
and corrupt officials of the forest service. 

234 France. 

A first class attempt to secure more conservative 
forest use and to regulate the cut was made by Henry 
IV in instituting a commission, and, as a result of its 
report, issuing his general order of Rouen, in 1597, a 
highly interesting document giving insight into con- 
ditions and opinions of the foresters of that period. 
It also remained without any result whatsoever. 

Repeated replacement of the higher oflficials had no 
more effect than the issuance of ordinances. 

Not until Colbert's vigorous reform in 1669 came 
a change in conditions. 

Meanwhile, some forestry notions had been de- 
veloped : a sequence of felling areas in the coppice, and 
hence an area division, an idea of rotation and of 
the exploitable age (10 to 20 years, although some- 
times down to 3 and 4 years), the leaving of over- 
wood, which became obligatory in the royal domain, 
and a kind of regulation of its age (40 years — too 
short according to one writer of the time to furnish 
valuable trees), and some proper considerations of its 

In the timber forest, the fellings proceeded by area 
in regular order from year to year, leaving a pre- 
scribed number of marked seed trees, at least 6 to 8 
per acre, on such areas as were outside the rights of 
user and removed from the likelihood of depreda- 
tions; the felling age being at least 100 years, under 
the notion that the oak, the most favored species, 
"grows for one hundred years, keeps vigorous but 
stands still for another hundred, and declines in a 
third hundred." Sowing of acorns on prepared 
ground was also ordered in the 16th century, and per- 

SilvicuUural Practice. 235 

haps occasionally done. Young growths were some- 
times protected by ditches or fences against cattle, 
although objections were raised against the former 
as impeding the chase. A diameter limit sometimes 
reserved all oak and beech two feet in circumference 
at six inches from the ground, the height of the stump. 
Even improvement cuttings (called recepages) are on 
record in Normandie, mainly for the purpose of cut- 
ting out softwoods and freeing the young valuable 
reproduction, repeated in decennial returns. Later, 
thinnings assumed the character of selection fellings 
and, indeed, received the name of jardinage. They 
were continued until the time for final cut and re- 
generation had arrived. In the coniferous mountain 
forests, selection cutting, pure and simple, was the rule. 

It appears, then, that quite sane notions of silvi- 
culture existed, albeit they may not have been very 
generally and very strictly carried out. Especially 
during the 16th century, the maladministration of 
the royal domain brought with it a decadence of the 
practice in the woods; the area of the coppice in- 
creased by clear cutting at the expense of the timber 
forest, and, by Colbert's time, all forestry knowledge 
had wellnigh become forgotten. 

The forest ordinance of 1669 attempted to reform 
not only the administrative abuses but to improve 
the method of exploitation hitherto practised; at 
least it put in writing, codified as it were, the best 
usage of the time. A commission of 21 was instituted 
to make working plans and prescribe the practice. 

The prescriptions had reference both to manage- 
ment and silvicultural practice. A felling budget 

236 France. 

{Hat d'assiette) was prescribed annually by the grand 
maUre for each garderie (district), and felling areas 
were also, sometimes, but not always, definitely 
located. Besides, extraordinary fellings might be 

The garderies were divided into triages (now called 
cantons), management classes or site classes under 
diiierent rotations, and the fellings proceeded in each 
triage in sequence. 

In each felling area, as had supposedly been the 
practice, at least 8 seed trees per acre, and generally 
16, besides those under the diameter limit, were to 
be left — the method a tire et aire. 

Intermediary fellings — thinnings — were avoided and 
frowned dov/n upon, probably because of the abuses 
to which they had given rise. Meanwhile their need 
grew more and more, especially in those places where 
the felling method did not produce satisfactory re- 
generation, and softwoods impeded the development 
of the better kinds. To improve the chances for 
valuable regeneration and to keep the softwoods 
down, the foresters proposed the reduction of rota- 
tions from 100 to 50 and even 40 years, and, as with 
each felling the number of reserve trees had to be 
left, the forest assumed a form resembling the coppice 
under standards. 

In the coniferous woods of the mountains (fir), 
which in Colbert's time appear almost like a new 
discovery to his reformers, the selection forest with 
a diameter limit (e.g., 6 inch at the small end of the 
21 -foot log) was the method most generally in vogue, 
and is still to a large extent the method in use, but 

Sihictdtural Practice. 237 

somewhat better regulated and modified, sometimxes 
with improvement fellings added. In some parts, 
especially in Lorraine, for a time, artificial regenera- 
tion and a strip system were tried, and even a group 
selection with a regeneration period of probably 25 
to 30 years and an exploitable age of 100 years, was 
practised in the 18th century. 

BufTon, in 1739, proposed a treatment for the 
pineries to secure natural regeneration by cutting 
one-third to one-half, leaving 40 to 50 seed trees 
per acre, while Duhamel (1780) considers selection 
method best for larch and pine as well as fir, 
although pine might, like oak, be readily reproduced 
by sowing. 

While system and orderly progress of fellings 
in selection forest had gradually been estab- 
lished, during the revolution this was largely 
disregarded and unconservative fellings became the 

Guiot's Manuel forestier, published in 1770, gives 
a good idea of the status of forestry at that time. It 
appears that for timber forest, mostly royal woods, 
rotations varying from 60 to 200 years, for coppice 
from 10 to 20 years, were in use on the royal domain ; 
that fellings were regulated according to species, soil 
quality and the most advantageous yield. To facili- 
tate regeneration, a superficial culture of the soil is 
also advocated. 

The prescription of Colbert's ordinance to leave a 
certain number of seed trees, no matter for what 
species or conditions of soil or climate had as early as 
1520 been pointed out as faulty by one of the grand 

238 France. 

masters, Tristan de Rostaing, who had recommended 
a method of successive fellings. This prescription, 
appHed pretty nearly uniformly as a matter of law, 
removed from the officials all spirit of initiative and 
desire or requirement of improving upon it. No 
knowledge beyond that of the law was required of 
them, hence no development of silvicultural methods 
resulted during the 17th and 18th century. The seed 
trees left on the felling areas grew into undesirable 
and branchy "wolves," injuring the aftergrowth, 
or else were thrown by the wind or died, and many 
of the areas became undesirable brush. Not until 
the first quarter of the 19th century was a change 
in this method proposed through men who imported 
new ideas from Germany. 

When the inefficiency of the methode a tire et aire 
was recognized, the only remedy appeared to lie in 
a clearing system with artificial reforestation (recom- 
mended by Reaumur and Duhamel)] and, indeed, the 
ordinance of 1669 recognized the probable necessity 
of filling up fail places in that manner. Yet the 
success of the plantings in waste lands does not seem 
to have brought about much extension of this method 
to the felling areas. As late as 1862, Clave, com- 
plaining of the conditions of silviculture in France, 
and of the ignorance regarding it, refers to the clearing 
system as methode allemande, the German method. 
The shelterwood system, la methode du reensemence- 
ment, which was introduced in theory from Germany 
by Lorentz in 1827, was hardly applied until the 
middle of the century. Indeed, the promulgation of 
this superior method cost Lorentz his position in 1839, 

Thinning Practice. 239 

and other officers suffered similarly for this "German 
propaganda." (see p. 242)* 

At the present time large areas of coppice and 
of coppice with standards characterize the hold- 
ings of the municipal and private owners, and the 
selection forest still plays a considerable part even in 
the State forests; the method of shelterwood in com- 
partments, being still more under discussion than 
found in practice. . 

The main credit for advance in silvicultural direc- 
tion which belongs to the French foresters in particu- 
lar is the development of new and fertile ideas re- 
garding the operations of thinnings; here the differen- 
tiation of the crop into the final harvest {le haut) and 
the nurse crop {le has) (see page 105) and the differen- 
tiation of the operations, par le haut and par le has, 
seems to have been for the first time described by Boppe 
in 1887. Indeed, the theory of thinnings, at least, 
seems to have been well understood by Buffon, who 
advanced his theories in a memoir to the Academy of 
France, in 1774, and gives a very clear exposition of 
the value of thinnings and improvement cuttings. 

Nevertheless, thinning practice, while often accentu- 
ated in the literature, is too often omitted in practice, 

*In this statement we follow Clav^ and other authors. HufFcl takes exception 
to this conception of the origin of the shelterwood system, because he finds in 
some documents allusion to a modified application of the tire et aire method 
which might be construed into shelterwood regeneration. Indeed, Guiot (1770) 
and Varennes de Fenille (1790) describe methods of procedure which resemble 
somewhat this method of regeneration. But as the method of successive fellings 
was practised in Germany since 1720, and fully developed in all its detail by 1790^ 
Hartig formulating merely into rules what was long practised— it is likely that 
the French authors had heard of it. Moreover, in another place (vol. Ill, p. 271) 
Huffel says: "At this time (1821) one made several tentative regeneration cuttings 
by successive fellings according tc the new formula — but without success." 

240 France. 

or exercised only in long intervals, while otherwise sil vi- 
CLiltural practice is excellent, especially in the coppice. 
Most valuable lessons may be had especially from 
the experience in converting coppice into timber forest. 

At the International Congress of Silviculture, con- 
vening in connection with the Universal Exposition 
in 1900, supposedly the best home talent was repre- 
sented, but it cannot be said that anything new, or 
striking, or promotive of the art or science transpired. 
The desirability of establishing experiment stations 
outside the one in existence at Nancy (established in 
1882), and the desirability of constructing yield tables 
still required arguments at this meeting. 

In the direction of forest organization, it is stated 
by Clave that in 1860 only 900,000 acres of the State 
domain were under a regulated management, namely 
380,000 acres in timber forest and 520,000 in coppice 
with standards, leaving about 1,500,000 acres at that 
time still merely exploited. The same writer states 
that of the corporation or communal forests hardly 
any are under management for sustained yield, and 
private forest management is not mentioned in this 
connection Even to-day less than one-third of the 
total area is under systematic control. In 1908 still, 
about 14% of the State forests were without working 
plans, and 15% in selection forest. 

The method of forest organization employed, out- 
side of the crude determinations of a felling budget 
in the selection forest, is an imitation of Cotta's com- 
bined area and volume allotment, with hardly any 
attempt of securing normality, introduced in 1825. 
Characteristic, and differing from the German model, 

Forest Organization. 241 

is the practice of actually collocating in each district 
{canton) the periodic felling areas (affectations) on the 
ground so as to secure a schematic felling series or 
periodic block (series). This is done often at great 
sacrifice. Lately, various, more pliable modifications 
have come into vogue (methode de V affectation unique) 
and freer methods (methode du quartier de regeneration), 
somewhat similar to Judeich's stand management, 
are proposed. Altogether working plans, such as are 
elaborated in Germany, are rare, and yield tables are 
still looked upon by Huffel as doubtfully useful. 

The management of the State forests is extremely 
conservative, large accumulations of old stock, the 
holding over of one quarter for reserve, and high 
rotations — only apparently based on maximum vol- 
ume production, since the statistical data are scanty 
— are characteristic. The opposite conditions appear 
in the private forests. 

6. Education and Literature. 

In the earlier times the service established was as 
we have seen, often, nay mostly in incompetent hands; 
the offices of forestmasters were purchasable, were 
given to courtiers as benefices, and became hereditary. 
In all these, higher professional knowledge was un- 
necessary. The ignorance of the subordinates was 
as great as that of their German counterparts, but 
lasted longer. Hardly any book literature on the 
subject of forestry developed before the 19th century, 
and educational institutions had to wait until long 
past the beginning of that century. 

The first, and up to the present, only forest school, 

242 France. 

came into existence after a considerable campaign, 
directed by Baudrillart, Chief of Division, Adminis- 
tration Generate des Forets, and professor of political 
economy. His campaign in the Annates Forestieres, 
the first volume of which appeared in 1808, and in 
other writings as in his Dictionaire des eaux et forets 
(1825), led to the establishment of the forest school at 
Nancy in 1825. 

The first director of this school, Bernard Lorentz, 
having become acquainted with and befriended by 
G. L. Hartig, and his assistant, afterward his son-in- 
law and successor, Adotphe Parade, having studied 
under Gotta (1817-1818) in Tharandt, this school intro- 
duced the science of forestry as it had then been de- 
veloped in Germany; but later generations under 
Nanquetie, Bagneris, Broiltard, Boppe and Puton, 
imbued with patriotism, attempted in a manner to 
strike out on original lines. 

As a consequence of the " unpatriotic" German 
tendencies of its first directors the continuance of the 
school at Nancy was several times threatened, there 
being friction between the administration of the school 
and the service, which in 1844 came to a climax, agents 
in the service being employed without preparation in 
the school, a condition which lasted until 1856. 

Even to date an active service of 15 years is con- 
sidered equivalent to the education in the school for 
advancement in the service. 

In 1839, Lorentz was disgracefully displaced, in 
spite of his great merits, because he advocated too 
warmly the application of the superior system of 
regeneration under shelterwood to replace the coppice 

Forest Schools. 243 

and selection forest, an incident almost precisely re- 
peated in the State of New York in abandoning its 
State College at Cornell University; and in other 
respects the two cases appear parallel.* Parade, the 
successor of Lorentz being imbued with the same 
heretical doctrines was constantly in trouble, and in 
1847, a most savage attack in the legislature was 
launched which threatened the collapse of the school. 
This condition lasted until Parade's death, in 1864, 
when Nanquette assumed guidance of the school 
and steered in more peaceful waters by avoiding 
all ideas at reforms and innovations, but other- 
wise improving the character of the school and intro- 
ducing the third year study. But he, too, was much 
criticized and in difficulties until 1880; nor was Puton, 
his successor, free from troubles, until in 1889 a new 
regime and new regulations were enacted. 

The school is organized on military lines. The 
students, who intend to enter the State service are 
chosen from the graduates of the Institute national 
agronomique of Paris, only a limited number being 
admitted. It has 12 professors, two for forestry, two 
each for natural science, mathematics, and one each for 
law, soil physics and agriculture, for military science 
and for German. A three year course, which includes 
journeys through the forest regions of France, leads 

♦According to others (a reviewer of this volume), the difficulties which befel 
the institution were financial ones, "the too rapid conversion into timberforest 
reducing receipts, which the Minister of Finance resented." Guyot's history ot 
the school, however, leaves little doubt of the above interpretation being correct. 
In the case of the State College at Cornell University, a later historian might 
similarly claim financial difficulties, the school having actually been closed for 
lack of appropriation ; nevertheless political trickery was the real cause of th's 

244 France. 

to government employment; indeed, the first paid 
position as garde general stagiaire is attained after two 
years study and before leaving school. 

For several years, (1867 to 1884) English students 
preparing for the Indian service received their in- 
struction here, and 380 foreigners have received their 
education in this school since its foundation. 

For the education of the lower grades, an imperial 
rescript ordered the establishment of several schools, 
which were, however, never organized. In 1863, were 
proposed, and in 1868, opened, four schools, where 
efficient forest guards were to secure some knowledge 
that would assist them to advancement ; three of these 
schools persisted until 1883. In 1873, an additional 
school for silviculture for the education of under- 
foresters was organized at Barres-Vilmorin, where 
annually a limited number of students are per- 
mitted to enter. This institution has persisted to 

The French forestry literature has never been pro- 
lific, and to this day occupies still a limited amount 
of shelf room. The first book on record is a transla- 
tion of the well known volume of the Italian, Peter de 
Crescentiis, translated at the instance of Charles V 
in 1373. In the 16th century we have reference to 
an encyclopaedic volume, probably similar to the 
German Hausvater, by Oliver de Serres, Theatre 
d'Agricidture et Mesnage des Champs, in which a 
chapter is devoted to the forests. During the 18th 
century, just as in Germany the cameralists, we have 
in France a number of high class writings, not by 

Literature. 245 

foresters, but by savants or students of natural his- 
tory, the names of Reaumur, Duhamel, Buffon and 
Micheaux appearing with memoirs transmitted to 
the Academy of France, the highest Hterary and 
scientific body of men, on subjects relating to forestry. 
Reaumur, in his Reflexions sur Vetat des forets, in 1721, 
recommended the conversion of coppice forests into 
timber forests by a system of thinnings, but it is 
evident that his words were not heard beyond the 
Academy. Duhamel (in 1755, 1764, 1780) repeats 
the recommendation of Reaumur in his three memoirs. 
Semis et Plantations, Exploitation des Bois and Traite 
de la Physique des Arbres, in which he exhibits con- 
siderable learning, while Buffon, the great naturalist, 
in 1739 and after, presented several memoirs on fores- 
try subjects full of excellent advice. Varennes de 
Fenille, another one of the Academicians, but also one 
of the conservators is on record with two memoirs 
(1790, 1791) on the management of coppice and 
timber forests in which also the theory of thinnings 
was well developed. But among the foresters of the 
service there seems not to have been sufficient educa- 
tion to appreciate these writings, or, with the excep- 
tion of Guiot with his Manuel for estier (1770), to bring 
forth any contributions to the literature and art, until 
the 19th century. In 1803, we find the first encyclo- 
paedic volume in Traite de VAmenagement des Forets, 
which was followed, in 1805, by a very incorrect trans- 
lation of Hartig's Lehrbuch, both by Baudrillart, 
professor of political economy, who also published 
in 12 volumes his Traite General des Eaux et Forets. 
Perthuis, in 1796, and Dralet, a forester, in 1807, also 

246 France. 

brought out treatises on forest management, which 
include all branches of the subject. 

According to Huffel, the foresters of this period 
(Louis XV and XVI) were of superior character, and 
forestry in France the first in the world; the writings 
of French authors were being translated into German 
and studied by foreign foresters. He has to admit, 
however, that the majority of these authors were 
not really members of the forest service. 

In 1836 appeared Parade's, Cours Elementaire de 
Culture des Bois, an excellent book, recording the 
teachings of Hartig and Cotta. This seems to have 
been all-sufftcient until 1873, at least. Such things 
as yield tables are still a mere wish, when Tassy wrote 
his Etudes, etc., in 1858, while de Salomon a little later 
reproduced Cotta's yield tables, and to this day this 
needful tool of the forester is still almost absent, at 
least in the literature of France. Nanquette, Broillardy 
Bagneris, Puton, Reuss, Boppe, all directors or pro- 
fessors at the forest school, enriched the French 
literature by volumes on silviculture and forest 
management, and Henry on soil physics. He also 
translated from the German Wollny's Decomposition 
des matieres organiques. It is claimed by Guyot, that 
a truly ''French science" (!) of forestry dates from 
Broillard's Cours d'amenagement in 1878. Demont- 
zey's Rehoisement des montagnes, 1882, is a classic 
volume. Of more modern book literature may be 
mentioned three voluminous publications, namely 
Tratte des arhres by Mouillefert (1892-1898) in 3 
volumes, and Traite d' exploitation commerciale des hois 
by Matthey in two volumes, and Guyofs, Cours de 

Literature. 247 

droit forestier in two volumes. A very complete 
work on valuation of damage under the misleading 
title Incendies en foret was published by Jacquot 
in 1903. 

But the latest and perhaps most ambitious work 
in the French language and especially of intense 
interest from the historical point of view, tracing 
not only the development of forest policies but of 
silvicultural and managerial practices in France, is 
G. HiifeVs Economie Forestiere in three volumes 
published 1904-1907. 

There should not be forgotten as among the non- 
professional promoters of forest questions, Chevandier, 
a chemist and manufacturer, who, in 1844, made in- 
vestigations regarding the influence of irrigation on 
wood growth and on the influence of fertilizers, and 
in connection with Wertheim, laid the foundation for 
timber physics. 

One bi-weekly magazine, Revue des Eaux et Forets, 
in existence for 50 years, the successor to the Annates 
forestieres, begun in 1808, satisfies the needs of current 
literature, besides the journals of various forestry 
associations, among which the Bulletin de la Societe 
de Franche Comte et Belfort has for a long time taken 
a prominent rank. 

A very active propagandist literary and association 
work has within the last decades been inaugurated, 
and forestry associations of local character abound. 
Among these the "Touring Club," a sporting associ- 
ation with some 16,000 members in 364 branches is 
active by writing out prizes and promoting waste 

248 France. 

land planting. Through its agency some 4000 acres 
had been planted by 1910, some 900 nurseries furnish- 
ing plant material. 

An active Section of Silviculture in the Societe des 
AgricuUeurs some time ago absorbed the forestry 
association and is also doing practical work in the 
direction most needed, improvement of forestry 
practice among private woodland owners. 

7. Colonial Policies. 

The French possess extensive colonies in Africa, 
Asia, America and Oceania, covering not less than 
four miUion square miles with over 90 million people, 
to some of which at least they have extended some 
features of their forest policy, notably in Algeria, 
Tunis, Indo-China and Madagascar. 

Algeria, which was conquered in 1828, is about four- 
fifths of the size of France, but only 5.5 per cent, 
is forested. Besides the desert, there are two 
forest regions, the northern slope, the so-called Tell, 
abutting on the Mediterranean, which, with 20 per 
cent, forested, contains the most valuable forests of 
Cork Oak, various other oaks, and Aleppo Pine; and 
the high plateau to the south, a region of steppes with 
about 6% forested, mostly with brushwood. The 
adjoining Tunis also contains some 2 million acres of 
forest, a part of which clothed with the valuable 
Cork Oak. 

Although the population does not exceed 5 million, 
import of wood from Sweden and elsewhere to nearly 
one million dollars in amount is necessary. The first 
advance of civilization led to wide-spread destruction 

Colonial Policies. 249 

of the originally larger forest area; fire and pasture 
being specially destructive. 

Before the French occupation, the 8 million acres of 
forest were all, as usual in the mussulman's empires, 
the property of the sultan, but were used like com- 
munal property by the people By 1871, the larger 
portion, some 6 million acres remained in possession 
of the state, much encumbered by rights of user. 

At the same time, considerable areas (some 700,000 
acres) had been ceded to communities outright, and 
others (1.25 million acres) had been sold to private 
parties. At first, these latter lands were let for ex- 
ploitation of the cork oak on 40 year leases, later 
extended to 90 years with indemnities for damage 
by fire — an incentive to allow these to run, until in 
1870, the fire damage having become onerous, all 
areas burned after 1863 were gratuitously ceded to 
the contractors, more than one-third the areas in- 
volved, and the other two- thirds were then sold at a 
ridiculously low price and under the easiest con- 
ditions of payment, in the same shameful manner in 
which the timberlands of the United States were 
given away. 

In 1836, a forest administration for the state domain 
was inaugurated, but the unfortunate division of 
powers between military and civil authorities was a 
hindrance to effective improvement of conditions. 
The fire ravages of 1871 led to a thorough re-organiz- 
ation under the direction of Tassy, in 1873. 

Nevertheless, in 1900, Lefebvre, Inspector of 
Forests, in his book, Les forets de VAlgerie, still com- 
plains that the forests are being ruined, especially 

250 France. 

by pasturing, the means allowed the administration 
being too niggardly measured. 

The Forest Code of the home country and special 
laws enacted from time to time applies. The ad- 
ministration of the state and communal forest is 
directly under the home department and is regulated 
in similar manner. 

A re-organization and a special forest code for 
Algiers was enacted in 1903. This legislation relies 
still largely on the general principles of the Code of 
1827. The most interesting features are the provision 
for expropriation and addition to the state domain of 
forests the preservation of which is of public interest, 
and the rigorous forest fire legislation, which permits 
the treatment of incendiaries as insurrectionists, makes 
the extinction of forest fires a duty of the forest officials, 
and provides the forcible establishment of fire lines 
(rides) between neighbors. 

In the forests placed under the forestry regime, 
permits from the governor-general are required for 
clearing. For the administration of these properties, 
the state receives ten per cent, of the gross yield. 
Reforested hilltops or slopes and sand dunes are re- 
lieved from taxes for 30 years, burnt areas for 10 years. 

In the other African possessions, unregulated ex- 
ploitation of the tropical forests, largely for by- 
products, like caoutchouc, kola, and fine furniture 
w^oods, is still the order of the day, except in Mada- 
gascar, which with 25 to 30 million acres of tropical 
forest area, was, in 1900, provided with a forest ser- 
vice, w^hich is under the Minister of Colonies. Here, 

Colonial Policies. 251 

a license system is in vogue, giving concessions to ex- 
ploit limited areas for a given time, at an annual rent 
of less than one cent, per acre per year. The con- 
cessions run from 5 to 20 years, and on 12,500 
acres or more, the time of their duration being ex- 
tended from the lowest term for one year for every 
2,500 acres. Police regulations and fines are in- 
tended to check abuses, and to regulate the rights of 
user exercised by natives. 

In Indo-China (Cochin-China, Cambodia, Anam, 
Tonquin) the total forest area is still unknown. 
Only that of Cochin-China with 2.5 million acres, 
and of Cambodia with 10 million acres can be stated, 
and Cochin-China seems to possess the only approach 
to a forest service. Although it is estimated that in 
1901 in the whole of Indo-China, with 18 million 
people, some 85 million cubic feet of wood were cut 
(nine-tenths fire wood) an import of over $200,000 
worth of workwood from Europe was needed. 

The first attempts at regulating forest use in these 
Asiatic possessions date back to 1862, when exploita- 
tion was confined to delimited areas. The adminis- 
tration, however, remained inefficient, and under 
impracticable and heterogeneous orders, which were 
issued from time to time, devastation progressed 
with little hindrance. 

For Cochin-China, a more definite forest policy was 
formulated in 1894-5, when not only the State domain 
but also the private forest property was placed under 
the regime forestier. The supervision of the private 
forests consists in requiring the marking of trees to 

252 France. 

be cut by government agents, and a permit for their 

The State forests are of two classes : Reserves in 
which all cutting is forbidden, only some 200,000 
acres; and those in which licenses to cut may operate. 
Such licenses are given for one year and for a price 
of 100 piastres. The villagers have free use of the 
less valuable woods, their only obligation being to 
assist in protection against fire and theft. 

A real forest service was not instituted until 1901 
a director with four assistants being placed in charge 
under the Department of Agriculture. Until recently 
reports of the deplorable condition due to absence of 
technical management reached the outside, but lately 
(1911), the Governor-General discussing the situation 
not only speaks approvingly of the forest service, 
which on the two million acres under its immediate 
management had, by 1909, trebled the revenue, but 
talks of extending its activities to planting up waste 
places in order to secure favorable water conditions 
for irrigating lands. 

The rest of the colonies are being merely exploited. 


While Germany and France were forced into the 
adoption of forest policies through necessity, after the 
natural woods had been largely destroyed or devas- 
tated, Russia started upon a conservative forest 
management, long before the day of absolute neces- 
sity seemed to have arrived. 

Indeed, even to-day Russia is one of the largest and 
increasingly growing exporter of forest products in 
the world, its annual export having grown in the five 

Les Forets de la Russie, Ministkre de T Agriculture, Paris Exposition Uni- 
Terselle, 1900, pp. 190, gives a very detailed description of forest conditions, 
markets and management, with a few historic points. 

Russlands Wald, by F, V. Arnold, Berlin, 1893, pp. 526, contains historic 
notes and a profuse discussion of the law of 1888. 

TTie Industries of Russia : Agriculture and Forestry, issued by the Depart- 
ment of Agriculture, Ministry of Crown Lands, at World's Columbian Exposition, 
translated by J. M. Crawford, 1893, contains a chapter on Forestry by Roudzski 
and Shafranov, professors at the Forest Institute, in 35 pp. 

Annual reports by the Russian Forest Administration are published since 1866. 

Four diffuse volumes, by John Croumbie Brown, treat of Russian conditions, 

Forests and Forestry in Poland, Lithuania, etc., 1885; 
Finland, its Forests and Forest Management, 1883 ; 
Forestry and Mining districts of the Ural Moutttains, 1834 ; 
Forests and Forestry of NortJiem Russia, 1884. 

Numerous articles and Reviews by O. GusB, scattered through the German 
forestry journals, give insight into J^ussian forest conditions. 

An excellent idea of prevailing forestry practice can be gained from an ex- 
tended article by Dr. Schwappach, Forstliche Reisebilder aus Russland in 
Zeitschrift fiir Forst-und Jagdwesen, 1902. 

For Finland an article by B. Ericson in Forstwissenschaftliches Centralblatt, 
1896, and another article by P. W. Hannikainen in Allgemeine Forst und 
Jagdzeitung, 1892, both native foresters, give considerable information. 

Finland: Its Public and Private Economy, by N. C. Fredbriksen, 1902, 
306 pp. 

254 Russia. 

years, 1903 to 1908, from 4 to 6 million tons and from 
35 to 62 million dollars. A vast territory of untouched 
woods is still at her command, representing roughly 
two-thirds of the forest area of Europe. 

The vast empire, second only to the British empire 
in extent, gradually acquired since the 15th century, 
occupies in Europe (including Finland) somewhat 
over 2 million square miles with over 120 million in- 
habitants, and in Asia somewhat over 6.5 million 
square miles, with only 30 to 40 million people. 

Until 1906, when as a result of a revolution, a kind 
of representative government was secured, the he- 
reditary Czar was ostensibly and by title an autocrat, 
governing with the assistance of four great councils 
and 12 ministers, but in reality the government was 
in the hands of a bureaucracy and court cabal, to a 
large extent corrupt, and hence the many good laws 
and institutions of which we read, may not always 
be found executed in practice as intended. 

The European section of the country is divided 
into 98 governments or provinces, each under a 
governor, who is, however, largely dependent on the 
central power. The large territory of Siberia is 
divided into three governor-generalships, much of it, 
as well as of the other Asiatic provinces, is still un- 
organized, undeveloped and unexplored, or at least 
little known. Originally used mainly as a penal colony 
for criminal and political exiles, since the completion 
of the great Trans-Siberian railway, the country has 
been peopled by Russian farmers. 

Both European Russia and Siberia are in the main 

Forest Conditions. 255 

vast plains, the former sloping northwestward from 
the Ural mountains in the East and from the Caucasus 
in the South, and the latter from the Altai, Lyan and 
Yabloni mountains north to the Arctic Ocean. Both 
sections exhibit in the southern ranges the effect of 
continental climates, prairie and plains country: the 
steppe; and in its northern ranges the effect of an 
arctic climate, short hot summers and long, severe 
winters: tundra and swamps. 

1. Forest Conditions and Ownership. 

Both the forest area and the ownership conditions 
vary very much throughout the empire. Russian 
statistics are very unreliable and are based on esti- 
mates rather than enumerations, and vary from year 
to year. 

So little is known of conditions In Asia, where Russia 
occupies a territory three times as large as Its European 
possessions, that we can dispose of them briefly. 
There exists a vast forested area, almost unknown 
as to its extent and contents, or value. This area is 
mainly located In Siberia, and although its extent 
is uncertain, it Is known to exceed 700 million acres, 
but It Is also known that its character is very variable, 
and much of it is "taiga" or swamp forest, much of 
it devastated, and much of It In precarious condition, 
fires having run and still running over large portions, 
destroying It to such an extent that In several of the 
provinces within the forest belt, the question of wood 
supplies is even now a troublesome one. The natives 
are especially reckless, and devastation difficult to 
control. The railroad has only increased the evils. 

256 Russia. 

Here, in Siberia, the first attempt at a management 
was made in 1897 in the government forests, which 
are estimated at over 300 miUion acres; in addition 
about 400 miUion acres have been declared reserved 
forests. Not one-third, however, even of the govern- 
ment forests is well stocked and less than 4 million 
acres are under some form of management. 

In European Russia, the forest area comprises about 
465 million acres, or 36% of the land area. The 
population being now over 120 million (nearly one- 
half escaped from serfdom only since 1861), the forest 
area per capita is only about 4 acres, somewhat less 
than in the United States, half of what is claimed for 
Sweden and Norway, although seven times as large 
as that of Germany or France. 

It will be seen, therefore, that Russia, although 
still an exporting country, has reasons for a conserva- 
tive policy, even if only the needs of the domestic 
population are considered, which alone probably 
consumes more than the annual increment of the 
whole forest area; and the consumption is growing 
with the growth of civilization as appears from the 
increase of wood consuming industries, which in 
1877 showed a product of 8 million dollars, in 1887, 
of 12>^ million, in 1897, of 50 million dollars. 

This assertion, that the era of over-cutting has 
actually arrived, may be made in spite of the stated 
fact, that in the northern provinces only two-fifths 
of what is supposed to be a proper felling budget, is 
cut and marketed, and that other most uncertain 
estimates make the cut 17 cubic feet per acre of pro- 
ductive forest area, and the annual growth, on still 

Forest Conditions and Exploitation. 257 

more uncertain basis, 31 cubic feet.* The same 
reasons that operate in the United States contribute 
to wasteful practices, namely uneven distribution of 
forest and population. 

As in the United States the East and West are or 
were well wooded, with a forestless agricultural region 
between, so in Russia the North and the South 
(Caucasus Mountains) are well wooded, with a forest- 
less region, the steppe, between. This leads, as with 
us, to an uneconomical exploitation of the woods, the 
inferior materials being wasted because not paying for 
their transportation in one section, and dearth of 
timber and fuel wood in the other section. 

*An idea of the supposed productive conditions may be gathered from the 
estimates which have been made, in 1898. for the State forests and the operations 
in these. 

In the two northern provinces, in which the state owns nearly the entire forest 
area it is estimated that 8 cubic feet per acre would be available felHng^ budget, 
but only 10 per cent, of this is actually cut and sold. Outside of this territory the 
available felling budget is calculated at 24 cubic feet per acre, but only 60 per 
cent, or 14 cubic feet is being cut. Altogether in 1898 there were cut in the State 
forests (somewhat over 300 million acres), 1,860 million cubic feet, say 6 cubic feet 
per acre or 40 per cent, of the estimated proper felling budget. The administra- 
tion claims that three-fifth of the projected felling budget is saleable. In 1906, the 
budget was placed at 345 million cubic feet, but only 130 million were cut. 

An estimate of the cut in the communal forests with 12 cubic feet, in the 
peasants holdings with 20 cubic feet, and in the private forests with 40 cubic feet 
per acre, brings the total for the country to round 10 billion cubic feet, worth 
round 100 million dollars for stumpage. It is assumed that 30 cubic feet should 
be the annual increment per acre, when it would appear that only 70 per cent, of 
the increment is cut. 

The cut in the State forests was sold for 21 million dollars (1898), or at an 
average of less than Ic. per cubic foot. The highest price paid in the Vistula 
district was 2.5 cents, which scales down to Ic. in Siberia and to one-third cent, 
in the Caucasus. This refers to stumpage, nearly all sales being made on the 
stump to wood merchants bj' bids, the trees being marked in some parts, in others 
the area only being designated. The transportation is almost entirely by river. 
From 1883 to 1901 the net revenue from the State forests increased from 16 to 
47 million dollars, while the expenditures dropped from 29 per cent, of the gross 
revenue to 18.4 per cent. The gross result is 46 cents per acre. In 1906, the 
returns were $27 million, and expenses $5 million. 

258 Russia. 

The two most northern provinces of Archangel and 
Vologda, in size equal to all Germany, are wooded to 
the extent of 75 and 89 per cent, respectively, and 
the 14 northern provinces together contain nearly 
one-half the entire forest area. Here the forest covers 
64 per cent, of the land area, and nowhere below 20 
per cent., and the acreage per capita ranges from 3 to 
over 200. 

These largely unsettled provinces are the basis of 
the active wood export trade, and, as in the similarly 
conditioned areas of North America, the territory is 
devastated by fires, which sweep again and again 
over large areas without check. 

Southern Russia (excepting the Caucasus, is largely 
prairie or steppe, forest cover sinking below 20 per 
cent, on the whole, down to 2 per cent., and less than 
one-half acre per capita. 

Altogether, one-half the country and three-fourths 
of the population are, with less than 14 per cent, of 
the forest area, exposed to a dearth of timber. 

The northern forest, the most important economic 
factor, is composed largely of pure or mixed coniferous 
woods (74%), principally Norway Spruce (34%) and 
Scotch Pine (29.5%) with only slight admixtures of 
larch and fir, and more frequently White Birch. 
Open stand, comparatively poor development, and 
slow growth, characteristic of northern climate, re- 
duce its productive capacity, while frequent bogs 
and other natural waste places outside of those pro- 
duced by mismanagement reduce its productive area 
by not less than 20 per cent. 

Property Conditions. 259 

Toward the south, deciduous species are more 
frequent, oak finally becoming the prevailing timber 
and forming forests, with beech, maple, ash and elm 
as admixtures. As the plains are approached pure 
deciduous forest indicates the change of climate. The 
forest of the Caucasus is principally of coniferous 

There are six classes of forest property: the govern- 
ment domain ; the apanage or imperial family (crown) 
forests; private forests; peasant or communal forests; 
institute or corporation forests; and forests of mixed 
ownership in which government and private owners 

The larger part of the forest area of European 
Russia is in control of the Crown or State, namely, 
nearly 276 million acres, or a little less than two- 
thirds of the whole, and a similar amount in Asia, 
besides the so-called apanage forests of 14 million 
acres set aside for the support of the court. Especi- 
ally the northern forest is in government control, in 
some governments (Archangel) the entire area; 67% 
of the domain forest lies in the two governments of 
Archangel and Wologda. 

In the less wooded districts State property, is in- 
significant. The area under government control in 
Europe and Asia is estimated in the official report for 
1908 at around 957 million acres. This is, however, 
not the exclusive property of the State; only about 
260 million acres are so claimed, the larger balance 
includes 170 million acres which are to be apportioned 
to the liberated peasants, 200 million acres in which 

260 Russia. 

the government is only part owner, or the ownership 
is in dispute; and the rest is only temporarily placed 
under the management or surveillance of the adminis- 
tration. Yet, 60% in Europe and 13% in Asia is 
exclusive State property. In 1907, the area in Europe 
under working plans of the Forest Administration, 
however, was only 48 million acres, 86 million having 
been examined for working plans. Of the State 
property in Europe 34% is spruce forest, 30% pine, 
and 26% mixed conifer forest; altogether 88% of 
coniferous timber. The Asiatic area is also over 80 
per cent, coniferous. 

The apanage or crown forests, the yield of which 
goes toward maintenance of the imperial family, com- 
prise about 16 million acres, or 3.4%. Private forest 
property to the extent of over 100 million acres (23%) 
is most developed in the Baltic provinces and along 
the Vistula. Mining corporations and other insti- 
tutes own about 7 million acres. 

The peasants, who until 1861 were mere serfs and 
had no ownership of any kind, being supplied with 
their necessities by the landed proprietors, still largely 
supply themselves in the northern provinces by the 
exercise of rights of user from the public domain on 
designated areas. In the central and southern pro- 
vinces, farm and forest land, the latter to the extent 
of nearly 40 million acres, were given to them in 
communal ownership. As stated above, about 170 
million acres classed as government domain still 
awaits partition and cession to the peasants. 

Early Development. 261 

2. Development of Forest Policy, 

The first record of attention to the woods as a 
special property dates from Michael, the founder, and 
Alexis, the second of the house of Romanoff, the 
former becoming Czar in 1613, the latter in 1645. 
He it was who began to introduce Western civilization. 
He confined himself, however, to regulating property 
rights, which up to that time had remained somewhat 
undefined, the forest, as elsewhere, being considered 
more or less public property. He issued deeds of 
ownership, or at least granted exclusive rights to the 
use of forests, somewhat similar as was done in the ban- 
forests. Soldiers alone were permitted to help them- 
selves, even in private forests, to the wood they required. 
Protection against theft and fire was also provided. 

The peasants, being serfs, were bound to the glebe, 
and had, of course, no property rights, being main- 
tained by the bounty of the seigneurs. 

Alexis' successor, the far-seeing Peter the Great, 
who in his travels in Germany and other European 
countries had, no doubt, been imbued with ideas of 
conservatism, inaugurated in the end of the 17th 
and beginning of the 18th century a far-reaching 
restrictive policy, which had two objects in view, 
namely economic use of wood, which he had learned 
to appreciate while playing carpenter in Amsterdam, 
and preservation of ship timber, which his desire 
to build up a navy dictated. All forests for 35 miles 
alongside of rivers were declared in ban, and placed 
under the supervision of the newly organized Adminis- 
tration of Crown forests. In these banforests, the 

262 Russia. 

felling of timbers fit for ship building was forbidden. 
Minute regulations as to the proper use of wood for 
the purposes for which it was most fit were prescribed, 
and the use of the saw instead of the axe was ordered. 
These rules were to prevail in all forests, with a few 
exceptions, and penalties were to be exacted for con- 

This good beginning experienced a short setback 
under Catherine I (1725), Peter's wife, who, in- 
fluenced by her minister, Menshikoff, abolished the 
forest administration and the penalties, and reduced 
the number and size of banforests. But the entire 
legislation was re-enacted within three years after 
Catherine's death (1727) under Anna Ivanovna's 
reign, and many new prescriptions for the proper 
use of wood were added and additional penalties 

At this time, under the influence of a German 
"forest expert," Fokel, the increase of forest area by 
sowing oak, etc., in the poorly wooded districts, was 
also inaugurated ; and this planting was made obliga- 
tory, not only on the administration of crown forests, 
but also upon private owners, who in case of default 
were to lose their land and have it reforested by the 
forest administration. To Fokel's initiative is also 
to be credited the celebrated larch forest on the 
Gulf of Finland. 

These restrictions of private rights and the tutelage 
exercised by the forest administration were abolished 
in toto by Catherine II, in 1788, and although it was 
reported by the admiralty, concerned in the supply 
of shipbuilding materials, that as a consequence the 

Modern Development. 263 

cutting, especially of oak timber, was proceeding 
rapidly, no new restrictive, but rather an amelior- 
ative policy was attempted, such as, for instance, 
the offering of prizes for plantations in certain locali- 
ties by the provincial governors. 

Upon the abolishment of the serfdom of the peas- 
ants, under Alexander II, in 1863, lands, both farm 
and woodlands, were allotted to them, and in this 
partition, in some parts as much as 25 to 50% of this 
forest property was handed over to them. Immedi- 
ately a general slaughtering, both by peasants and 
by the private owners, who had suffered by losing 
the services of the serfs, was inaugurated, leading 
to wholesale devastation. 

Servitudes or rights of user also prevailed in some 
districts and proved extremely destructive. 

By 1864, complaints in regard to forest devasta- 
tion had become so frequent that a movement for 
reform was begun by the Czar, which led to the pro- 
mulgation of a law in 1867, followed by a number of 
others during the next decade, designed to remedy 
the evils. This was to be done by restricting the 
acreage that might be felled, by forbidding clearings, 
and by giving premiums for good management and 
.plantations. Finally, in 1875, a special commission 
was charged with the elaboration of a general order 
which, after years of hearing of testimony and of de- 
liberation, was promulgated in 1888, a comprehen- 
sive law for the conservation of forests, private and 
otherwise, which in many respects resembles the 
French, in other respects the Swedish conservation 

264 Russia. 

The devastation and its evil consequences on 
waterflow and soil conditions had been especially 
felt in the southern districts adjoining the steppe, 
and these experiences were the immediate cause 
for the enactment of the law, which, however, was 
framed to apply conditionally to the entire European 

The law makes an interesting distinction between 
''protective," "protected" and non-protective, or 
unprotected forests, as well as between different 
ownership classes, and it makes distinction of four 
regions as to the extent of its application. In the 
far northern governments, densely forested (60%) 
and thinly populated, only the protective forests 
are under the operations of the law. In the Caucasus 
also, none of the restrictions of private property ex- 
cept in protective and communal peasant forests are 
to apply, perhaps because the forest area (averaging 
not over 17%) is there largely owned by members 
of the imperial house and by nobles. In certain 
districts adjoining the northern zone (with 37% 
forest) also only the last two classes of forest, namely 
protective and communal properties, with institute 
forests added, are subject to the provisions of the law. 
The rest, a territory of over one million square miles 
with only 12% in forest, is subject to all the provisions 
of the law, which is remarkably democratic in treat- 
ing State, imperial and private forests alike. 

This law declares as "protective forests," to be 
managed under special plans prescribed by the Crown 
forest department, those forest areas which protect 
shifting sands and dunes, the shores of rivers, canals 

Protective Forests. 265 

and other waters; and those on the slopes of moun- 
tains, where they serve to prevent erosion, landslides 
and avalanches. 

Conversion of these protective forests to farm use 
is forbidden, and the use of a clearing system in 
forest management, as well as pasturage and other 
uses supposed to be detrimental, may be interdicted, 
and the method of management may be prescribed. 
An instruction regarding the execution of the law 
promulgated in 1889 prohibited clear cutting in conifer 
forests, permitting only selection forest, and in especi- 
ally endangered localities only the use of the dry 
wood and such trees as interfere with natural repro- 

"Protected" forests are those which are located 
at the head waters and upper reaches of streams 
and their affluents. Here the rules as regards clear- 
ing, mismanagement, reforestation and pasture ap- 
plicable to the non-protective forests, prevail, except 
that clearing may be prohibited or permitted, if the 
committee deems it not dangerous owing to the 
small size of the clearing. 

In forests, which are not protective forests, con- 
version into farms or clearing with the sanction of 
the committee is permitted, if thereby the estate is 
improved, e.g., if the soil is fit for orchards and vine- 
yards. Such clearing may also be allowed if the soil 
is fit for temporary field use, but in that case the area 
must be eventually reforested. Clearing is also per- 
mitted, if another formerly farmed parcel of the same 
size has been reforested at least three years prior to 
the proposed clearing; or if in artificial plantations 

266 Russia. 

the growth is not yet 20 years old ; also in a few special 
cases where property boundaries are to be rounded 
off, roads to be located, etc. If after six months 
from the time 'of the application the committee 
has not forbidden the clearing, it is considered 
as permitted. It is also forbidden to make fellings 
which prevent natural regeneration, and the running 
of cattle in young growth is prohibited. Private 
owners are not required, but are permitted, to submit 
v/orking plans, and if these are accepted, they are 
exempted from any other restrictions. Such plans 
may be considered as accepted if the committee does 
not express itself within one year. All clearings made 
in contravention to the committee's decision must 
be replanted within a prescribed time or may be 
forcibly reforested by the committee. 

The most interesting feature, because thoroughly 
democratic, is the creation of the local forest pro- 
tection committees, which are formed in each pro- 
vince and district, composed of various representatives 
of the local administration, one or two foresters in- 
cluded, the justice of the peace or other justice, the 
county council and two elected forest owners, in all 
nine to eleven members, under the presidency of the 

This committee is vested with large powers. It 
decides, without appeal, what areas are included in 
protective forests and approves of the working plans 
for these as well as for the unreserved forests; it de- 
termines what clearings may be made, and exercises 
wide police powers with reference to all forest matters 
working in co-operation with the Forest Administra- 

Ameliorative Policies. 267 

tion, which latter has the duty of making working 
plans free of charge for the reserved forests, and, at 
the expense of the owner for the private unreserved 
forests. Owners of the latter are, however, at liberty 
to prepare their own plans subject to approval. 
Appeal from decisions of the Forest Committees lies 
through the Committee to the Minister of Crown 
lands and Minister of the Interior. 

In case the owner refuses to incur the extra expense 
arising from measures imposed upon him, the domain 
ministry may expropriate him, but the owner may 
recover within 10 years by paying costs with 6% 
interest in addition to the sale price. In addition 
to the above cited and other restrictive measures, 
some ameliorative provisions are also found. All 
protective forests are free from taxes forever; those 
artificially planted also for 30 years. 

Some of the best forest officials are detailed to give 
advice gratuitously to forest owners (forest revisor — 
instructors) and prizes are given for the best results 
of silvicultural operations. At the recommendation 
of the Forest Committees, medals or money rewards 
or other distinctions are given to the forest guards 
and forest managers of private as well as public forests. 
Plant material is distributed free or at cost price, and 
working plans for protective forests are made free 
of charge. 

The Imperial Loan Bank advances long term loans 
on forests, based upon detailed working plans made 
by the State, which insure a conservative manage- 
ment. In 1900, over 7,000,000 acres were in this way 
mortgaged under such management. 

268 Russia. 

The minutest details are elaborated in the instruc- 
tions for the execution of this most comprehensive 
law. How far this law is really executed and what 
its results so far have been, it would be difficult to 
ascertain. It is, however, believed that it has worked 
satisfactorily. By 1900, 1.5 million acres had been 
declared protection forests, nearly 2 million protected 
or river forests, and nearly 100 million private and 
communal forests had been placed under the regime. 
In 1907, the total area under the regime had grown to 
over 136 million acres. Of private forests, 18 million 
acres in 6015 forests were being managed according 
to working plans made or approved by the forest 
committees. In these plans, usually, the strip system 
or seed tree system with natural regeneration under 
60 year rotation for conifers, and at least 30 year 
rotation for broadleaf forest, is provided. 

In 1903, the application of the law was extended to 
the Caucasus, the Trans-caucasian and other southern 
provinces, but in the absence of suitable personnel 
and In a half civilized country, no result for the im- 
mediate future may be anticipated. 

The surveillance of the execution of this law lies, 
with the assistance of the Forest Committees, in the 
hands of the State Forest Administration. 

This latter, centralized in the Department of Agri- 
culture, consists of a Director General with two Vice- 
Directors and a so-called bureau of forests with seven 
division chiefs, a number of vice-inspectors and assist- 
ants. The local administration in the governments 
is represented by the Direction of Crown Jands with 
a superintendent or supervisor and several inspectors. 

Forest Administration, 269 

The crown forests, divided into some 1260 adminis- 
trative units, are under the administration of super- 
intendents, with foresters and guards of several 

The whole service comprised, in 1908, about 3790 
higher officials, some 850 of whom in the central office 
at St. Petersburg, and over 30,000 lower officials some 
20,000 of whom are educated underforesters. 

Large as this force appears to be, it is small in com- 
parison with the acreage, and inadequate. Although 
the net income from the 300 million acres of State 
forest which are actually worked is now close to thirty 
million dollars, the expenditures being near 6 million, 
the pay of the officials is such as to almost force them 
to find means of subsistence at the cost of their charges. 
Perhaps nowhere else is there so much machinery and 
so much regulation with so little execution in practice. 
Nevertheless, progress is being made in gradually 
improving matters, and the forest property, or at 
least the cut, has become more and more valuable. 
While in the middle of the last century the income 
from the domain forest was only $500,000, by 1892 
it had grown to $10,000,000, by 1901 to $23,000,000, 
in 1908 to nearly $30,000,000, besides several million 
dollars' worth of free wood. In 1908, the department 
spent over half a million dollars on planting and assist- 
ing natural regeneration. Timber is sold as a rule 
to contractors by the tree or acre, and a diameter 
limit is almost the only restriction. In 1897, how- 
ever, an arrangement was made by which the lumber- 
man was obliged to reforest, or at least to pay a 
certain tax into a planting fund, and a part payment 

270 Russia. 

of $2 to $4 per acre as guarantee must be made before 
cutting. This order has, however, remained mostly 
a dead letter, the buyer preferring to allow his guaran- 
tee to lapse. In 1906, there stood $3,000,000 to the 
credit of this planting fund, and only half of it had 
been applied. Meanwhile the unplanted area in- 
creases, since natural regeneration generally proves 
a failure. 

3. Education afid Literature. 

The attempts at forestry education date back to 
the year 1732 when a number of foresters were im- 
ported from Germany to take charge of the forest 
management as well as of the education of foresters, 
each forstmeister having six pupils assigned to him. 
This method failing to produce results, the interest 
in ship timber suggested a course in forestry at the 
Naval Academy, which v/as instituted in 1800. Soon 
the need of a larger number of educated foresters led 
to the establishment of several separate forest schools, 
one at Zarskoye Selo (near St. Petersburg) in 1803, 
another at Kozlovsk in 1805, and a third at St. 
Petersburg in 1808. This latter under the name of 
the Forest Institute absorbed the other two, and 
from 1813 has continued to exist through many vicissi- 
tudes. Now, with 15 professors and instructors and 
an expenditure of nearly $250,000, and over 500 
students, it is the largest forest school in the world. 
It prepares in a four years' course for the higher 
positions in the forest service. "The history of this 
Forest Institute is practically the history of forestry 
in Russia." 

Education and Literature. 271 

A second school at Novo- Alexandria, near Warsaw, 
was instituted in 1860. In these schools, as in the 
methods of management, German influence is every- 
where visible. 

In addition to these schools, chairs of forestry were 
instituted in the Petrovsk School of Rural Economy 
in Moskau and in the Riga Polytechnic Institute, 
and also in seven intermediate schools of rural economy. 

In 1888, ten secondary schools were established 
after Austrian pattern for the lower or middle service, 
rangers and underforesters ; their number, by 1900, 
having been increased to 30 and, in 1908, to 33, with 
460 students. These are boarding schools in the 
woods, where a certain number of the students are 
taught free of charge, the maximum number of those 
admitted being 10 to 20 at each school. The course 
is of two years' duration, and is mainly directed to 
practical work and theoretical study in silviculture. 
The total expense of such a school is about $3,300, 
of which the State contributes $2,500, the total ex- 
penditure, in 1908, being $84,134. 

A number of experiment stations were established 
in various parts of the country by the Administration 
of Crownlands, and a very considerable and advanced 
literature testifies to the good education and activity 
of the higher forest service. 

Two forestry journals, Lesnoj Journal (since 1870) 
and Lessopromychlenny Vestnik, the first bi-monthly, 
the latter weekly, besides several lesser ones, keep 
the profession informed. 

There are in existence several general societies for 
the encouragement of silviculture. Probably the 

272 Russia. 

oldest, which ceased to exist in 1850, was the Im- 
perial Russian Society for the Advancement of Fores- 
try which was founded in 1832. It published a 
magazine and provided translations of foreign books, 
among which the Forest Mathematics of the noted 
German forester Konig, who also prepared yield 
tables for the Society. (See p. 135.) A society of 
professional foresters was founded at St. Petersburg 
in 1871, another exists in Moscow, and recently two 
associations for the development fo forest planting 
in the steppes have been formed. 

Among the prominent writers and practitioners 
there should be especially mentioned Theodor Kar- 
lowitsch Arnold, who is recognized as the father of 
Russian forestry. He was the soul of the forest organiz- 
ation work, for which he drew up the instructions in 
1845, and as professor, afterwards director, of the 
Institute for Agronomy and Forestry at Moscow 
since 1857, he became the teacher of most of the 
present practitioners. Finally he became the head 
of the forest department in the Ministry of Apanages 
where he remained until his death in 1902. He is 
the author of several classical works on silviculture, 
forest mensuration, forest management, etc., and, 
in conjunction with Dr. W. A. Tichonoff, published 
an encyclopaedic work in three volumes. In the first 
volume, Russland's Wold (1890), which has been 
translated into German, the author makes an ex- 
tended plea for improved forestry practice and de- 
scribes and argues at length the provisions of the law 
of 1888. In 1895, he published a history of forestry 

Literature and Practice. 273 

in Germany, France and Russia. Of other promi- 
nent foresters who have advanced forestry in Russia 
we may cite Count Vargaci de Bedemar, who made 
the first attempt to prepare Russian growth and yield 
tables in 1840 to 1850. 

Professor A. F. Rudzsky, who was active at the 
Forest Institute until a few years ago, developed in 
his volumes especially the mathematical branches 
and methods of forest organization. The names of 
Tursky, Kravchinsky and Kaigodorov are known to 
Russian students of dendrology and silviculture, and 
among the younger generation the names of Morozov, 
Nestorov, Orlov, and Tolsky may be mentioned. 

It is well known how prominent Russian investi- 
gators have become in the natural sciences, and to 
foresters the work of the soil physicists, Otozky and 
Dokuchaev would at least be familiar. 

4. Forestry Practice. 

While then a very considerable activity in scientific 
direction exists, the practical application of forestry 
principles is less developed than one would expect, 
especially in view of the stringent laws. So far not 
much more than conservative lumbering is the rule. 

Generally speaking, the State and crown forests 
are better managed than the private, many of which 
are being merely exploited; and in the northern de- 
partments large areas remain still inaccessible. 

Some notable exceptions to the general mismanage- 
ment of private forests are furnished by some of those 
owned by the nobility, like those of Count Uwaroff 
with 150,000 acres under model management by a 

274 Russia. 

German forester, and of Count Strogonoff with over 
1,000,000 acres under first-class organization with a 
staff of over 230 persons. 

A regular forest organization was first attempted 
in the forests attached to iron furnace properties in 
1840. By this time some 100 million acres have come 
under regulated management, half of the area being 
government forests. The method of regulation em- 
ployed is that of area division and sometimes area 
allotment according to Cotta. In some regions a 
division by rides into compartments, ranging from 
60 to 4,000 acres each, according to intensity of ex- 
ploitation, has been effected. It is estimated that 
at the present rate of progress it would take 300 years 
to complete the work of organization. 

The selection method is still largely employed, a 
felling budget by number of trees and volume being 
determined in the incompletely organized areas ; while 
a clearing system with artificial reforestation is used 
in most cases where a complete yield calculation has 
been made. The rotations employedare from 60 to 100 
years for timber forest, 30 to 60 years for coppice. 

In the pineries, the strip system in echelons is mostly 
in vogue, the strips being made 108 feet wide, leaving 
four seed trees per acre, and on the last strip, which 
is left standing for five years, this number is increased 
to eight which are left as overholders. This 
method, according to some, seems to secure satis- 
factory reproduction. To get rid of undesirable 
species, especially aspen and birch, these are girdled. 
In spruce forest, 50 to 60 per cent, of the trees are 
left in the fellings, when after three to four years 

Polish Conditions. 275 

the natural regeneration requires often repair, which 
is done if at all by bunch planting; after eight to ten 
years the balance of the old growth is removed. 

While for a long time natural regeneration was 
alone relied upon, now, at least, artificial assistance 
is more and more frequently practiced. Yet, although 
over 2 million acres were under clearing system, not 
more than 5% of the revenue, or $100,000, was in 
1898 allowed for planting as against 7.5% in Prussia; 
the total budget of expenses then remaining below 
3 million dollars. 

But, ten years later, over half a million dollars was 
employed by the government in planting, the planting 
fund contributed by the lumberman (see p. 269) 
furnishing the means. 

The forest administration of the province of Poland, 
where the State owns over 1.5 million acres was for 
some time independent, but, about 1875, was re- 
organized and placed under the central bureau at 
St. Petersburg. Although the forests of Poland are 
the most lucrative to the government and, with good 
market and high prices for wood, which are now 
rapidly increasing, would allow of intensive manage- 
ment, the stinginess of the administration, the low 
moral tone of the personnel, and long established bad 
practice have retarded the introduction of better 
methods. The private forests of Poland comprise 
over 4.5 million acres, and are mostly not much better 
treated than the State forest; in the absence of any 
restrictive policy they have diminished by 25% in 
the last 20 years. 


276 Russia. 

Considerable efforts have been made towards re- 
foresting the steppes in southern Russia, first as 
in our own prairies and plains by private endeavor, 
but lately with more and more direct assistance of 
the State forest administration. 

This planting was begun by German colonists at 
the end of the 18th century, but without encouraging 
results, although over 25,000 acres had been planted 
by the middle of the 19th century. Since 1843, the 
government has had two experimental forest reserves 
in the steppes of the governments of Ekaterinoslav 
and Tauride, on which some 10,000 acres have been 
planted; the originator of this work being von Graff, 
a German forester, whose plantations, made with 
8,000 plants to the acre, are still the best. Later, 
the number of plants was reduced to one-half, and 
the results have not been satisfactory. Altogether, 
planting on large areas on soils unfit for the purpose 
and by wrong methods has produced poor results. 
At present the policy is not to create large bodies of 
forest, but to plant small strips of 20 to 80 yards 
square in regular distribution, which are to serve 
as windbreaks, and the result has been satisfactory, 
especially in the government of Samara. There are 
now annually 2.000 acres added to these plantations. 

The reclamation of shifting sands and sand dunes 
has also received considerable attention and, to some 
extent, the reboisement of mountain slopes in the 
Crimea and Caucasus. Of the former, some 10 million 
acres are in existence in European Russia, and in the 
province of Woronesh alone each year 100,000 acres 
are added. For 50 years sporadical work in their 

Planting in Plains and Sand Dunes. 277 

recovery was done. Not until 1891 and 1892, when 
two droughty famine years had led to an investiga- 
tion of agricultural conditions, was a systematic 
attempt proposed, and this was begun in 1897. By 
1902, some 80.000 acres had been fixed, and by 1904, 
150,000 acres. In this work the government con- 
tributes 36% of the cost, the benefited communities 
the balance. In addition, 1,500 square miles of swamps 
in Western Russia were reclaimed by extensive canals 
and recovered with meadow and forest at a cost of 
$300,000, of which the Imperial Treasury paid one- 
third, the owners one-half, the local government the 

While rational forest management, as we have seen, 
is far from being generally established, the govern- 
ment tries at least to prevent waste and to pave the 
way from exploitation to regulated management. 


The Grand Duchy of Finland in the northeast of 
Russia is still in some respects independent of Russia. 

Finland, the "land of a thousand lakes" and of 
most extensive forests, is hardly less important as 
a wood producer than Russia itself; its wood exports 
amounting at present to around 200 million cubic 
feet and over 25 million dollars in value, represent 
over 50 per cent, of its trade, and its most important 

Settled in the 7th century by an Aryan tribe, the 
Finns, congeners of the Magyars, who subdued the 
aboriginal Laplanders, Finland became by conquest 

278 Finland. 

in the 12th century, and remained for 500 years, a 
province of Sweden. In the wars between Sweden 
and Russia; parts of this province were conquered 
by Russia, and finally, in 1809, Sweden lost the whole; 
but the Finns succeeded in preserving national unity 
and partial independence under a constitution, 
adopted in 1772 and recognized by the Czar. 

Finland stands very much in the same relation to 
Russia as does Hungary to Austria, the union being 
merely a personal one : the Czar is the ruler or Grand 
Duke, but the administration is otherwise largely 
separate from that of the empire, under a Governor- 
General, appointed by the Czar, and a Senate of 18 
members at Helsingfors, with a national parliament 
of the four estates, nobles, clergy, burgers, peasants, 
which convenes every five years ; the Czar having the 
veto power over its legislation. The War Department 
of Russia, however, is in charge of military affairs, 
and other departments seem to be under more or 
less supervision of the Russian administration. 
Lately repressive measures are threatening or have 
nearly accomplished the destruction of this autonomy. 

Of the 145,000 square miles of territory, nearly 
50% Is occupied by lakes and bogs, marshes or tundra; 
less than 9 million acres (9.7%) Is in farms, and 37.5 
million acres or 42%, is forestland, actual or potential; 
The major part of this Is located In the northern and 
eastern sections, where the population is scanty, 
agriculture little developed, and sand soils prevail. 
Beyond the 69th degree, forest growth ceases, and 
naturally near the forest limit the scrubby growth 
partakes of the character of all northern forests. 

Forest Conditions. 279 

Not more than 2.5 million acres, mostly in the south- 
western sections, are actually under cultivation ;the 
population being short of 2.5 million. 

The rigorous climate makes a large consumption of 
fuelwood necessary, and, since houses are also mostly 
built of wood, the home consumption is over 32 cubic 
feet per capita. Over 10 million cubic feet of pine 
are consumed in making tar, and a like amount for 
paper pulp. The total cut is in the neighborhood of 
370 million cubic feet, four-fifth of which comes from 
private forests of the middle and southern area, and 
over one-third of it is being exported. 

The country generally is a tableland with occasional 
low hills. The forest consists principally of pine, the 
latter a variety of the Scotch Pine (or species?), called 
Riga Pine which excels in straightness of bole and 
thrifty growth, and of spruce (10 per cent, of the 
whole, mainly in the southeast). Aspen, alder and 
birch, especially the latter, are considered undesirable 
weeds, and fire is used to get rid of them where coni- 
ferous aftergrowth is desired, although birch is also 
employed for fuel, bobbins and furniture, and aspen 
for matches. Basswood, maple, elm, ash and some 
oak occur, and larch {Larix sibirica) was introduced 
some 150 years ago. 

Long, severe winters and hot, dry summers pro- 
duce slow growth, the pine in the north requiring 200 
to 250 years, in the middle sections 140 to 160 years 
to grow to merchantable size. 

Fires, used in clearing, have from time to time run 
over large areas and have nearly killed out the spruce 
except in the lowlands, but the pine being more 

280 Finland. 

resistant has increased its area and in spite of the 
deterioration of the soil by fire reproduces well. 

Originally the forest was communal property, but 
in 1524, Gustav Vasa declared all forest and water 
not specially occupied to belong to "God, King and 
the Swedish Crown," although he allowed the usufruct 
to the people free of charge or nearly so. These 
rights of user are still the bane of the forest adminis- 
tration. Being left without supervision it mattered 
little who owned the land, the forest was ruthlessly 
exploited. Later, the rights of user thus originating 
were bought off by ceding lands to the peasants. 

Not until 1851 did an improvement in these con- 
ditions occur when a provisional administration of 
the State forests was provided in connection with the 
Land Survey; but a rational organization materialized 
only after an eminent German forester, v. Berg, 
Director of the forest school of Tharandt, had been 
imported (1858) to effect a reconstruction. His 
advice was, however, only partially followed, and the 
organization was not perfected until 1869. 

Almost immediately, a powerful opposition to the 
administration developed, because it could not at 
once show increased profits, and the personnel which 
had been scanty enough, was still further reduced, the 
large districts into which the State property had been 
divided were still further enlarged, and to this day, 
improvement in these respects has been only partial. 

The State forest area, situated mainly in the north 
is stated as between 35 and 45 million acres (variable 
because of clearing for farms and new settlements), 

Administration. 281 

but it contains about 15 million acres of bogs and moors 
and much other waste land, which reduces the produc- 
tive forest area to about 12 million acres (35%), leaving 
65% of the productive forest area to private ownership. 

This State forest was divided (1896) into 53 dis- 
tricts, the districts being aggregated into 8 inspec- 
tions, and the whole service placed under a central 
office with a forest director and 5 assistants under 
immediate control of the Senate. The forest guards 
numbered 750, their ranges averaging 50,000 acres, 
while the districts average 600,000 acres and several 
contain as high as 2.5 million acres; the Forstmeister 
in charge may live sometimes 200 miles from the 
nearest town and 60 miles from the nearest road. 
His function is mainly to protect the property, to 
supervise the cutting and sales, and to teach the 
people the need of conservative methods. In spite 
of this insufficient service, considerable reduction in 
forest fires and theft has been attained. 

Beyond restriction of waste by axe and fire, and 
conservative lumbering of the State forest, positive 
measures for reproduction have hardly yet been 
introduced, both personnel and wood values being 
insufficient for more intensive management. 

At present, with a cut hardly exceeding 100 million 
cubic feet, the revenue is still almost nominal, say 
$600,000, and hardly the annual growth is cut. 

Selection forest is, of course, the rule, but since no 
trees are marked and cut less than 10 inch diameter 
at 25 feet from the ground (!), at least the possibility 
for improved management will not be destroyed 

282 Finland. 

when, through the exhaustion of the private forests 
and increased wood prices, more intensive manage- 
ment has become practicable. 

When the market is good, a clearing system with 
100 to 160 year rotation is practised; on the clearings 
about 20 seed trees are left, and after 6 years the 
natural regeneration is repaired by planting. 

This latter method is especially prescribed on the 
government farms. These form an interesting part 
of the State property, some 900 small farms with 
woodlots aggregating over 500,000 acres, mostly in 
the southern districts. These came into existence 
in the 17th and 18th centuries, being granted as fiefs 
to officers of the army as their only compensation. 
They reverted to the State and are rented for terms 
of 50 years upon condition that the woods are to be 
managed according to rules laid down by the State 
department; and special inspectors are provided to 
supervise this work. This system, in vogue since 
1863, at first met with opposition on the part of the 
renters on account of the impractical propositions of 
the department. At present the department manages 
many of these woodlots directly, as well as those which 
the clergy have received in lieu of emoluments. 

Since 1883, a corps of forest surveyors has been 
occupied in making working plans based upon diameter 
accretion at the curiously selected height of 25 feet 
from the ground. A commission was also instituted 
some years ago to segregate forest and farm soils in 
the State domain with a view of disposing of the 
latter preparatory to improved management of the 
remaining forest area. 

Restrictive Policies. 283 

The State has also in a small way begun to purchase 
absolute forest soils in the southern provinces with 
a view to reforestation. 

The private forest areas, located in the more settled 
southern portions are found mostly in small parcels 
and in peasants' hands, although the nobility also 
owns some forest properties, but the size of single 
holdings rarely exceeds 1,000 acres. These areas 
are mostly exploited without regard to the future, 
furnishing still four-fifths of the large export, and 
according to competent judges will soon be exhausted. 

Although attempts have been made from time to 
time to restrict the use of private forest, practically 
little has been accomplished, and such restrictions as 
have been enacted are hardly enforced. 

A law, enacted in 1886, forbids clearing along waters 
adapted to fishing, and orders the leaving of seed trees 
or "providing otherwise for regeneration," if more 
than 12 acres are cut at one time. 

The method of utilizing the ground for combined 
forest and farm use, which is still frequently practised, 
was forbidden on the light sandy soils of the pineries, 
or was otherwise regulated. Forest fire laws are also 
on the statutes. 

Propositions for further restrictions, made in 1891, 
were promptly rejected by the parliament. 

Educational opportunities are offered in the Forest 
Institute at Evois, first established in 1862 as a result 
of V. Berg's visit, and re-organized in 1874. It accepts 
new students only every second year for the two years' 
course. It has had a precarious existence, being left 

284 Finland. 

sometimes without students, and is naturally not of 
a high grade, practical acquaintance with woodswork 
being its main aim. 

Since 1876, a school for forest guards and private 
underforesters has been in existence, where 6 students 
are annually accepted for a two years' course. 

In addition there are two instructors provided by 
the government, wandering teachers who are to 
advise private owners. Premiums are paid for the 
best managed woodlots on the government farms. 

The Finnish forestry association, which is in part 
of propagandist nature, was organized in 1877. It 
supplies, besides an annual report, other forestry 
literature, and employs an experienced planter to 
direct efforts at reforestation. 

A forestry journal (quarterly) is also published, 
and a professional literature is beginning to start into 

It may be of interest in this connection to cite a 
rough calculation made by Dr. Mayr of the available 
material in European Russia and Finland combined, 
which he places at 4,500 million cubic feet, and of 
which he considers one-half available for export. 

It is impossible to prognosticate what position 
Russia and Finland, together the largest wood pro- 
ducers in Europe, will take in the future world com- 
merce, and how rapidly better practices, for which the 
machinery is already half started, will become gener- 
ally adopted. At present, especially in Russia 
proper, the general corruption of the bureaucracy 
is an almost insurmountable obstacle to improvement. 


Under the name of Scandinavian States we may 
comprise the countries of Sweden, Norway and 
Denmark, which were settled by the same group of 
German tribes, the so-called Norsemen; they origi- 
nally spoke the same language, which only later 
became more or less differentiated. The settlement 
of the country by these tribes seems to have been 
accomplished in the main by the end of the 8th cen- 
tury; and the separation into the three several king- 
doms in the ninth to twelfth centuries, during which 

In the English languag-e the Repoi-t 011 Forestry in Sweden, by Gen. C. C, 
Andrews, U. S. Minister at Stockholm 1872, revised 1900, 35 pp., gives a state- 
ment of present conditions with historal notes. 

A very good idea in detail of the wood trade of Sweden may be obtained from 
The Wood Industries of Siveden, published by TIMBER TRADES JOURNAL 
of London in 1896. 

La Siiede, son Peuple et son Industrie, by G. Sundbarg, 1900, 2 vols., contains 
several pertinent chapters. It is an official work, very complete, and was trans- 
lated into English in 1904. 

The Economic History of the Swedish Forest, by GuNNAR Schotte. 1905. 
32 pp., in Swedish, published by the forestry association, gives a brief account of 
conditions and data of the forestry movement. 

Norway. Official publication for the Paris Exposition, 1900, contains a chapter 
on Forestry by K. A. Fauchald, pp. 322-350, with a map of forest distribution. 

Skogsvaesenets Historic ved Skogs direktoren, I Del. Historik, 1909, is an 
official publication of the Norwegian Forest administration, giving a full account 
of the development during the 50 years from 1857 to 1907, with notes of the earlier 

Le Danemarc, Etat Actuel de sa civilization et de son organization sociale, 
by J. Carlsen, H. Olric and C. N. Starcke, 1900, 714 pp. 

Denmark, its history and topography, etc., by H. Weitemeyer, 1891. 

Bidra-r til det Danske Skovbrugs Historic, by O. LuTKEN, 1900, was not 
accessible to the writer. 

Extensive notes are found through the German, Austrian and French forestry 
journals. Especially an article in the Centralblatt fiir das gesammte Forstwesen, 
1905 (briefed in Forestry Quarterly, vol. Ill, p, 292) and another (briefed in same 
Quarterly, vol. IX, p. 45) gives extended accounts of forest conditions in Sweden. 

286 Scandinavian States. 

time they were sometimes united, or at least under 
one ruler, sometimes at war with each other, and 
always torn by interior dissensions bordering on 

In 1397, by the Calmar convention, a more per- 
manent union into one kingdom was effected between 
Sweden, Norway, and Denmark under Margaret, 
"the Semiramis of the North." After another period 
of variable fortunes, Sweden, about 1523, became an 
independent constitutional monarchy under Gustav 
Vasa, and Norway remained joined to Denmark 
under Frederick I. 

Sweden then started on a career of conquest, being 
almost continuously at war with all her neighbors and 
especially with Russia and Poland, whereby, especi- 
ally under Gustavus Adolphus and the adventurous 
Charles XII, her territory was greatly enlarged. 
With the treaties of Stockholm and Nystadt (1720 
and 1721) she came into more peaceful waters, but 
permanent peace and a settled policy was not attained 
until the election of Bernadotte, one of Napoleon's 
administrators, to the kingship, and by the peace of 
Kiel, in 1814, Sweden became a constitutional heredi- 
tary monarchy in the modern sense. At the same 
time, Norway was taken away from Denmark and 
forced to a union with Sweden, which persisted until 
1907, when a peaceful separation took place by the 
action of the Norwegian people. The union has 
always been hateful to the Norwegians, although 
only the king and the department of foreign affairs 
(in which Norway was represented by a delegation 
from its Council) were in common, all other matters 

Conditions in Sweden. 287 

of administration being separate as well as the parlia- 
ments (Storthing in Norway, and Riksdag in Sweden). 
Denmark, powerful in the 11th century under 
Canute, who subjugated not only Norway but 
England, losing both these countries shortly after his 
death, was shorn by Sweden of much of its territory 
in the 17th century, and, in 1814, was separated from 
Norway. Originally an elective monarchy, largely 
dominated by the nobility, the crown in 1661 became 
hereditary and absolute, and Sweden did not become 
a constitutional monarchy until 1849. 


This country is of greatest interest to the world at 
large in forestry matters, because it has been until 
lately the largest exporter of wood and has only just 
fully waked up to its need for a conservative forest 
management: the law of 1903 promises to bring about 
very decided changes, and to curtail the exports upon 
which other European nations so much rely. 

Sweden, with 172,876 square miles, occupies the 
eastern two-thirds of the Scandinavian peninsula. 
It is not like Norway, a mountain country, but the 
greater part consists of low granitic hills. The moun- 
tain range (Koelen) which forms the boundary to- 
wards Norway falls off in a long slope towards the 
gulf of Bothnia and the Baltic sea, the coast being 
a broad level plain, with a series of islands, larger or 
smaller, girdling the outer coast line and forming an 

The country is cut into numerous water sheds, the 

288 Sweden. 

many rivers (called elfs), furnishing means of trans- 
portation, expanding frequently into lakes (sjo) in the 
upper reaches, and falling with cataracts into the 
lower plain, giving rise to fine water powers. Eight 
per cent, of the total area is in lakes. Only 12 per 
cent, of the land area is in farms. The forest area, 
with nearly 50 million acres, occupies nearly 48 per 
cent., leaving 40 per cent, waste land or otherwise 

Half of the population of over 5 million pursues 
agriculture, while iron manufacture and the lumber 
industry occupy one-quarter. 

Of the three main divisions of the country, the 
southern, Gotaland, is richest in lowlands and agricul- 
tural soils, and, as it has also a favorable maritime 
climate, farming is the main industry. Here, a popu- 
lation of 50 to 60, and in parts up to 190 per square 
mile is found. Beech and oak are here the principal 
trees, with spruce occasionally intermixed. 

In the central part, Svealand or Sweden proper, 
the forest region begins, with pine and spruce, pure or 
in mixture, covering the granite hills and plateau; 
birch and other hardwoods, oak, beech, elm, basswood 
and aspen being found in the river valleys; but the 
third division, Norrland, is the forest region of com- 
mercial importance, the seat of the extensive export 
trade. It is a vast, almost unbroken forest country, 
with hardly more than 3 people to the square mile, 
in the northernmost part, called Lapland, Laps and 
Finns forming a not inconsiderable part of the popu- 
lation. Pine and spruce are the timber trees, with White 
Birch intermixed. Towards the northern boundary 

Forest Conditions. 289 

the pine increases, in more and more open stands as 
one goes northward into the drier cUmate. An open 
stunted growth of birch and aspen forms the transi- 
tion to the treeless tundra. 

A treeless alpine region occupies the northwestern 
frontier, fringed at lower elevations by a belt of birch 
in natural coppice, a result of repeated fires. The 
northeastern part is a level coast plain, but the climate 
is too severe for agriculture and the forest growth also 
is short and of inferior quality. 

Large areas of swampland are found in nearly all 
parts, recoverable for farm or forest use, and mis- 
managed and devastated forest areas are found all 
over the country. 

The forest, nearly 10 acres per capita, on account 
of its accessibility to the sea by means of the many 
rivers, plays an important role in the economy of 
Sweden, not only because it covers such a large area 
and favorable composition (80% coniferous), but 
because it has long been a prominent source of income. 
Especially after the abolition of the English import 
duties, in 1866, and of the Swedish export duties which 
had restricted trade, in 1863, did a rapid increase in 
wood exports take place, until in 1900, it amounted 
to over 54 million dollars (of which 12 million for 
woodenware), being the leading export article and 
representing over one-half of all exports. 

In addition to this export which may represent at 
least a round 300 million cubic feet of wood, there are 
about 250 million cubic feet of pulpwood and 150 
million feet used for charcoal, besides the domestic 
fuel consumption. The total draft on the forest may 

290 Sweden. 

be estimated to come near to 1,200 million cubic feet 
which is believed far in excess of the annual growth, 
much of the nearly 50 million acres of forest area 
having been devastated or deteriorated by axe and 
fire and being located in a northern zone where the 
growth is slow (1 inch in 12 to 15 years). According 
to others, the cut remains below the increment by 
about 25 per cent., the latter being figured at 25 cubic 
feet per acre. In the State forests, to be sure, mostly 
located in the more northern tiers, the cut is kept 
between 6 and 7 cubic feet effective, but here a waste 
of sometimes 40% is incurred in the exploitation due 
to the difficulties in transport. 

1. Property Conditions. 

It was Gustav Vasa who, in 1542, declared all un- 
cultivated lands the property of the Crown. Parts 
of them, however, were given to colonists, and these 
as well as the resident population had the right to 
use the neighboring forest to supply their needs for 
wood and pasture. By the continued exercise of this 
right, the forest came to be considered commons, 
proprietary rights remaining long in doubt. Finally, 
a division came about, some of the lands becoming 
the property of the parishes, others of smaller dis- 
tricts (the hundreds), others again encumbered or 
unencumbered property of the State, and some re- 
mained in joint ownership of State and private in- 
dividuals under various complicated conditions. 

The State now owns somewhat over 16 million 
acres, of which, however, only 70% are really forest, 
and controls more or less 4 million more, of which 

Property Conditions. 291 

about 900,000 acres are ecclesiastical benefices and 
forests belonging to public institutions, and 2.7 million 
acres in State farms, which are rented. 

Since 1875, the State has pursued a policy of pur- 
chase, which has added over 500,000 acres (at $7 per 
acre) to the domain. Lately, this policy has found 
considerable opposition. In this way, by reforesting, 
and by settlement of disputed titles the State property 
in absolute possession of the government has grown 
by nearly 5 per cent., to 10 million acres. 

In Lapland the entire forest area used to belong to 
the State, but in order to attract settlers these were 
given forest property for their own use, from 10 to 
100 times the area which they had cleared. This 
forest area the settlers disposed of to wood merchants 
(lumbermen), until the law of 1873 intervened, re- 
stricting the settlers to the usufruct alone, the govern- 
ment taking charge of the cutting of wood for sale 
and limiting the cut to a diameter of 8 inch at 16 feet 
from the base. 

This interference with what was supposed to be 
private rights seems to have been resented, and has 
led to wasteful practices, in the absence of a sufficient 
force of forest guards. Nevertheless the lav/ was 
extended to Westerbotten in 1882. 

In other provinces, Wermland, Gestrikland, etc., 
the government vested in the owners or ironworks 
the right to supply themselves with charcoal from 
State forests. But about the middle of the 19th cen- 
tury, when, owing to railroad development in other 
parts, some of the ironworks became unremunera- 
tive and were abandoned, their owners continued 


292 Sweden. 

to hold on to the forest privileges, and by and 
by exercised them by cutting and sawing lumber 
for sale, or even by selling the forest areas as if they 
were their properties ; and in this way these properties 
changed hands until suddenly the government began 
to challenge titles, and commenced litigation, about 

Grants of certain log cutting privileges on govern- 
ment lands were also made to sawmills in past times, 
usually by allowing sawmillers to cut a certain number 
of logs annually at a very low price. In 1870 these 
grants, which were very lucrative, were modified 
by substituting the right of an increased cut for a 
stated number of years at a modified price, after 
which the grant was to cease. In 1900, there were 
still some 300,000 acres under such grants. 

No wonder that under these circumstances the 
value of the State forest property was, in 1898, assessed 
at only $1 .60 per acre ; the net income being $1 ,680,753, 
or about 12 cents per acre; the expenditures for ad- 
ministration, supervision, and forest school amount- 
ing to $423,659, to which should be added an undeter- 
mined amount for the participation of the domain 
bureau, the agricultural department and provincial 
governments, all taking part in the forest adminis- 

Many of the towns and country districts Qiaerad) 
have received donations of forest areas from the 
Crown, which have been a considerable source of 
revenue to them. The parish of Orsa, e.g., realized 
from its forest property some 2.5 million dollars, and 
other similar results are recorded. 

Property Conditions. 293 

These communal and institute forests of various 
description comprise somewhat over 2.6 million acres, 
or 5.5%, and are placed under management of local 
committees, with the governor of the province as 
chairman. The management consists in selling stump- 
age of all trees over 13 inches in diameter 5 feet above 
ground, to be cut by the purchaser under regulations. 

In the years from 1840 to 1850, the government 
sold to English wood merchants considerable tracts 
of timberland, and in the latter part of the 19th 
century, as the sawmill industry expanded, many 
mill firms acquired wood-cutting leases for 50 year 
terms for prices which were often realized from the 
forest in the first winter. At present longer leases 
than for 20 years are prohibited by law. The diameter 
limit of 12 inches, 18 or 20 feet above ground, was 
usually the basis of the leases; and as the owners 
could then lease away other sizes, it might happen 
that 2 or 3 persons besides the original owner would 
have property rights in the same forest. Of late 
years many of the mill owners have endeavored to 
get rid of the resulting inconvenience by buying the 
fee-simple of the land. This movement has resulted 
in the aggregation of large areas in single hands or 
more often in the hands of large mill companies. 

By the acquisition of these properties a certain 
amount of cultivated land is usually included, which 
is then left to the former owner at a nominal rent, 
provided that he pays the taxes on the whole ; thereby 
creating a class of renters in lieu of owners of farms. 
The area thus privately owned, mostly by sawmill 
companies, must be over 25 million acres; the total 

294 Sweden. 

private forest area, which includes the bulk of the 
commercial forest, is about 30 million acres (61.3%), 
unreclaimable waste lands swelling the figure to over 
50 million. 

2. Development of Forest Policy. 

From the times of Olaf Tratalja, the first Christian 
king of Sweden (about 1000 A.D.), who gained fame 
by the part he took in exploiting the forests of Werm- 
land, down to the 14th century Sweden suffered from 
a superabundance of forest. Nevertheless, by the end 
of that century restriction of the wilful destruction 
by fire was felt necessary, and an ordinance with that 
object in view was promulgated. 

It is questionable whether this order had any effect 
in a country, where the homestead law provided, 
that a settler might take up "as much pasture and 
arable land as he could make use of, twice as much 
forest, and in addition on each side of this homestead 
as much as a lame man could go over on crutches 
without resting." 

Not till 1638, do we again find an attempt at forest 
conservancy, this time in the interest of supply of 
charcoal for the iron industry, by the appointment of 
overseers of the public forests. 

The first general forest code, however, dates from 
1647, which among other useless prescriptions made 
the existing usage of planting two trees for every one 
cut obligatory, and this provision remained on the 
statutes until 1789. In spite of this and other, re- 
strictive, laws, exploitation by the liege lords and the 
communities continued until, in 1720, a director of 

Early Development. 295 

forests for the two southern districts, Halland and 
Bohus, was appointed, and, at least in this part of the 
country, the execution of the laws was placed under 
a special officer. 

This appointment may be considered the first germ 
of the later forest department. 

A policy of restriction seems to have prevailed 
during the entire 18th century, although it is ques- 
tionable whether the restrictions were enforced since 
there was no personnel to watch over their enforce- 
ment, and the governors, in whose hands the juris- 
diction lay, had other interests, more engrossing. 
A law, enacted in 1734, restricted the peasant forest 
owners in the sale of wood from their own properties, 
and, in 1789, this restriction and other supervision 
was extended to those of the nobility. 

It appears that soon after this a considerable senti- 
mental solicitude inside and outside the Riksdag was 
aroused regarding an apprehended deterioration of 
climate as well as scarcity of wood as a result of 
further forest destruction — in the light of present ex- 
perience a rather amusing anticipation. These jere- 
miads, however, after an unsatisfactory attempt at 
legislation in 1793, led, in 1798, to the appointment of 
a commission which reported after 5 years of investi- 
gation. A new set of forest regulations was enacted 
as a result in 1805. 

In further prosecution of these attempts at regu- 
lating forest use a commissioner, Prof. F. W. Radloff, 
was sent to Germany, in 1809, to study methods em- 
ployed in that country. Long before that time, 
about 1762, some of the iron masters, owning large 

296 Sweden. 

forest areas had imported a commission of German 
forest experts (among them von Langen and Zanthier, 
the same who had done similar work in Norway and 
Denmark) with a view of systematizing the forest 
use; but apparently without result. 

After much discussion of Radloff's report, and con- 
sultation with the provincial governors, who suggested 
the propriety of different plans for different localities, 
new legislation was had in 1810, 1818, 1823, and new 
regulations for the crown forests were issued in 1824. 

Yet at this very time not only the partition of the 
communal forests but also the sale of town forests 
was ordered ; and this policy of dismemberment lasted 
till 1866, over 1 million acres having been sold by that 
time. Nor was any diminution in wasteful practices 
to be noted as a result of legislation, and it seems 
that, while on the one hand restrictive policies were 
discussed and enacted, on the other hand unconserva- 
tive methods were encouraged. Indeed, in 1846, the 
then existing restrictions of the export trade were 
removed; apparently a reversion of restrictive policy 
had set in, and exploitation increased, in the belief of 
inexhaustible supplies. On the other hand, encour- 
agement of reforestation was sought by giving boun- 
ties for planting waste land and for leaving a certain 
number of seed trees in the felling areas, also by paying 
rewards for the best plantations; all without result. 

Meanwhile a check to the wood trade had occurred 
through the imposition of exorbitant customs duties 
by Great Britain, and at the same time the govern- 
ment imposed an export duty to discourage export 
from Norrland, and this was not abated until 1857. 

Administrative Reform. 297 

A further project of forest supervision was attempt- 
ed through a report by a new commission appointed 
in 1828, which formulated rules for the control of 
public and private forests, and recommended the 
establishment of a Central bureau for the manage- 
ment of forest affairs, as well as the organization of a 
Forest Institute, for the teaching of forestry. This 
Institute was established at Stockholm in 1828, but, 
instead of organizing the bureau, the director of that 
institute was charged with the duties of such bureau. 
Again for years, committee reports followed each 
other, but led to no satisfactory solution of the prob- 

In 1836, however, a forestry corps (skogstaten) was 
organized for the management of the State forests 
under the direction of the Forest Institute, and, as a 
result of persistent propaganda, the central bureau of 
forest administration {skogsstyrelsen) was created in 
1859 with Bjorkman at the head, charged with the 
supervision of all the State, royal, communal and 
other public forests, and the control of private forest 

The law of 1859, however, did not settle upon any 
new policy of control over private forest properties. 
Again and again, forest committees were appointed 
to propose proper methods of such control, but not 
until 1903 was a general law enacted, which was to 
go into effect on January 1, 1905. 

Previous to this, locally applicable laws were en- 
acted. In 1866, a law was passed which referred only 
to a particular class of private lands, namely those 
forests of Norrland which the State was to dispose of 

298 Sweden. 

for ground rent, or which had been disposed of and 
on which the conditions of settlement had not been 
fulfilled. In 1869, a law applicable only on the island 
of Gotland provided a dimension limit, and that in 
case of neglect of regeneration on private fellings the 
owner may not cut any more wood for sale, until the 
neglect had been remedied. 

Exactly in the same manner as the homestead and 
other colonization laws in the United States have 
been abused to get hold of public timber lands, so in 
Sweden large areas of government land had been taken 
up for settlement, but actually were exploited. It 
was to remedy this evil that in 1860 an examination 
of the public lands was ordered with a view of with- 
drawing portions from settlement and of making 
forest reservations. The royal ordinance of 1866 re- 
sulted, which was to regulate the cutting on settled 
lands and in such new settlements as were thereafter 

Here, private owners at first were allowed to cut 
only for their own use, and the new law prescribed 
the amount of yearly cut and required the marking 
of timber designed for sale by the government 

This "compulsory marking" or "Lapland" law 
with a dimension limit, was, in 1873, extended to all 
private forests in Norbotten, and in 1888, to Vester- 
botten. This law limits the diameter to which fell- 
ings are to be made (8 inches at 15 feet from base), and 
if the cutting of smaller trees is deemed desirable for the 
benefit of the forest these are to be designated by 
forest officials. 

Conservation Boards. 299 

The law for Gotland was renewed in 1894, adding 
a reforestation clause, the governor being authorized 
to prohibit shipping of timber under 8 inch diameter, 
and that not until new growth was established; or at 
least no new fellings may be made until this condition 
is fulfilled. The same law applies to sand dune 
plantations in other, southern districts. Altogether 
one-quarter of the private forest property was in 
this manner subjected to restrictions, until the pre- 
sent conservation law came into existence. 

This law, of 1903, which became operative in 1905, 
was the result of a most painstaking, extended canvass 
by the legislative committee, appointed in 1896, which 
reported in 1899, and of a further canvass by the 
Director of Domains, who reported in 1901. A 
large amount of testimony from private forest owners, 
sawmill men, provincial and local government officials, 
etc., was accumulated, and it may be reasonably ex- 
pected that this new legislation will be more effective 
than most of the preceding seems to have been. 

The law requires in general terms the application 
of forestry principles in the management of private 
woodlands. For this purpose, a Forest Protection 
Committee, one for each province, is constituted 
which has surveillance over all private forests, an 
institution similar to that existing in Russia. 

The Committee, or Forest Conservation Board, 
consists of three persons who are appointed for three 
years, one by the government, one by the County 
Council, one by the managing committee of the 
County Agricultural Society. In addition, where 
the communities desire, elected Forest Conservation 

300 Sweden. 

Commissioners may be instituted to make sure of the 
enforcement of the law. The Board secures the 
services of an expert adviser from the State forest 
service paid by the government but leaves to the 
Board discretion as to the interpretation of the law 
which is for the most part expressed in general terms, 
to secure conservative management. Hence differ- 
ent Boards have worked in different ways, but gradu- 
ally all are coming to similar methods, and all apply 
persuasive means rather than force. 

The law requires regeneration, but does not pre- 
scribe detail methods as to how re-growth is to be 
obtained, leaving these to be determined by the 
Board in consultation with the owners. If no agree- 
ment can be arrived at, or if the measures stipu- 
lated are not taken by the owner, the Board may 
enforce its rulings by Court proceedings, in which in- 
junctions to prevent further lumbering, confiscation of 
logs, or of lumber, or money fines may be adjudged. 

The time of contracts for logging rights is reduced 
from 20 to 5 years. Short courses of instruction to 
forest owners, and the issuing of popularly written 
technical publications (Folkskrifter) is one of the 
efficient methods of securing the result, which seems 
to have been attained in the few years since the law 
is in operation, namely in arousing such interest 
that opposition has become very small. 

An export duty (4 to 8 cents per 100 cubic feet of 
timber, 8 to 14 cents per ton of dry wood pulp) is 
levied for the purpose of carrying out the law the 
export duty amounting to over $160,000, and a more 
general export duty is under contemplation. 

Forest Administration. 301 

The management of communal forest is to be placed 
under the State forest administration, the corporations 
paying 1.6c. per acre; but this feature does not seem 
entirely settled. 

Protective forests under special regulations are 
established at the alpine frontier and on the drift- 
sand plains, which are planted up, 

3. Forest Administration and Forestry Practice. 

The central forestry bureau as it exists now was 
organized in 1883 as the Domain Bureau in the De- 
partment of Agriculture with, at present, a forester 
as General Director, and under it a forestry corps 
(skogstaten) (reorganized in 1890) which has charge of 
the public forests, and also of the forest control in the 
private forests where such control exists outside of 
the Conservation Boards. For the purpose of this 
administration the country is divided into 10 districts, 
each under an inspector (or ofverjdgmdstare) ; the dis- 
tricts are divided into ranges (revir), now 90, each 
under a chief of range (or jdgmdstare) with assistants 
and guards (kronojdgare) ; the nomenclature of the 
officers suggesting the hunt rather than the forest 
management. In addition, 6 forest engineers are 
employed on working plans, engineering works, and 
in giving advice and assistance to private owners 
who pay for such service. 

When it is stated that the ranges in the northern 
provinces average over 300,000 acres of public and 
400,000 acres of private forest; in central Sweden 
150,000 acres of public and 145,000 acres of private 
forest, and in the southern provinces nearly 55,000 

302 Sweden. 

acres of State and communal forest, it will be under- 
stood that the control cannot be very strict. 

The net revenue from the State forest during the last 
30 years has increased from $300,000 to $1,750,000. 

The management of even the State forests can only 
be very extensive. The State still sells mostly stum- 
page, rarely cutting on its own account. The lumber- 
ing is carried on very much as in the United States 
by logging contractors, and the river driving is done 
systematically by booming companies. Selection 
forest is still the general practice, now often improved 
into group system, although a clear cutting system 
with planting has been practised, but is supposed to 
be less desirable, probably because it entails a direct 
money outlay or else because it was not properly 
done. A seed tree management preferred by private 
owners for pine seems frequently not successful. Of 
the State forests 90% are under selection system, and 
of the private forest 60%. 

In the southern provinces where planting is more 
frequently resorted to, 2-3 year old pines and 2-5 year 
old spruces, nursery-grown, 2,000 to the acre, are gener- 
ally used or else sowing in seedspots is resorted to, which 
is more frequently practised in the middle country. 

Some 10,000 acres were, for instance, planted by 
the forest administration in 1898, at a cost of $2 per 
acre, and the budget contains annually about $20,000 
for such planting. 

That private endeavor in the direction of planting, 
has also been active, is testified by a plantation of 
over 26,000 acres, now 35 years old, reported from 
Finspong Estate. 

SilvicuUural Practice. 303 

Complete working plans are rare even for the State 
forests, a mere summary felling budget being deter- 
mined for most areas, the trees to be cut being marked. 

Under instructions issued in 1896, working plans 
for the small proportion of State forest management 
by clearing system are to be made. In these an area 
allotment method is employed with rotations of 100 
to 150 years. 

Forest fires are still very destructive, especially in 
northern Sweden, although an effective patrol system, 
greatly assisted in some provinces by watch towers, 
has reduced the size of the areas burnt over. The 
coniferous composition and the dry summers in the 
northern part together with the methods of lumber- 
ing are responsible for the conflagrations. In this 
direction too, the activities of the Conservation 
Boards have been highly useful. 

4. Education and Literature. 

Among the propagandist literature, which had ad- 
vanced the introduction of forestry ideas in Sweden 
it is proper to mention the writings of Israel Adolf 
of Strom, who after extensive travels in Germany 
established the first private forest school in 1823, 
and was instrumental in securing the establishment 
of the State Forest Institute in Stockholm (1828). 

In regard to education a most liberal policy pre- 

At the Institute the tuition is free and in addition 
4 students receive scholarships of 250 dollars per 
year; appointment to assistantships follows immedi- 
ately after promotion, and in 10 years the position of 

304 Sweden. 

jagmastare may be attained. The number of stu- 
dents is limited to 30. The director of this school 
is also general adviser in forestry matters. Besides 
the director, six professors are employed. The course 
at this school is two years of 11 full months. 

There are now a higher and a lower course, the 
former requiring previous graduation from another 
preparatory forest school, either the one at Omberg 
(founded 1886), or that at Kloten (1900), where a 
one-year course, mainly in practical work, is given. 

For the lower service there are not less than 6 
schools in various parts of the country, each with one 
teacher and assistants, managed under a chief of 
range. In these, not only is tuition free but 10 pupils 
receive also board and lodging; the course lasting 
8 months. These schools prepare for State service, 
as well as for managers of private forests. 

A forest experiment station was organized in 1903, 
an independent institution in the Domain Bureau, 
under the direct charge of a practitioner. Every 
third year, a commission is to determine what work 
is to be undertaken. The appropriation, which so 
far is hardly $5,000 per annum, will not permit much 
expansion. The first number of its publication, 
Meddelanden fran Statens SkogsfdrsoksanstaU, was 
issued in 1904, and work of a superior character has 
been accomplished since then. 

That a forestry public exists in Sweden is attested 
by a forest association with an organ Skogsvards 
Foreningens Tidskrift, which was founded in 1902. 

Literature and Education. 305 

This journal is really the continuation of an earlier 
magazine, Tidskrift for Skogshushallning, a quarterly, 
begun in 1869 and running until 1903. A forestry 
association for Norrland alone which also issues a 
yearbook, was organized a few years ago. A peri- 
odical for rangers, etc., is also in existence under the 
name of Skogsvdnnen. 

In 1902 also, there was formed a lumberman's trust 
to regulate the output, which the forest owners pro- 
posed to meet by an associated effort to raise stumpage 
charges. The attempt of. the lumbermen to restrict 
the cut in 1902 was, however, a failure, for the export 
of that year was 10% larger than the previous year. 

It is expected that the new law will have the ten- 
dency of decreasing the cut and of inaugurating a new 
era in forestry matters generally. 


Originally divided up among a number of petty 
kings, Norway was brought under one rule by Harold 
in 863; and united to Denmark in the 11th century, 
becoming gradually a mere dependency. Its later 
political fortunes and changing relations with Den- 
mark and Sweden have been referred to on p. 286. 
The history of the forestry development, however, 
has proceded more or less independently of the other 
two countries. 

Norway, occupying with 124,445 square miles over 
one-third of the Scandinavian peninsula, is for the 
most part a mountainous plateau with deep valleys 
and lakes. Its numerous fjords and water ways make 

306 Norway. 

accessible much of the interior mountain forest, yet 
a large part of the inland area still remains inaccessible 
and trackless. 

More than 75% of the country is waste land and 
water; only 3% in farms, leaving for the forest area 
21%, or little over 17 million acres. According to 
latest data (1907) from this productive area a further 
2 million acres must be deducted as non-producing. 

The distribution of this forest area is most uneven. 
The bulk and the most valuable portion of it is found 
in the south-eastern corner around Christiania in 
eight counties, in which the forest per cent, exceeds 
40 to 50, with conifer growth (pine and spruce) up to 
the 3,000 foot level. Again in the three counties 
around Trondhjem a large and important forest area 
is located at the head of the fjords. But the entire 
western coast and the higher elevations are devoid of 
valuable forest growth and the northern third of the 
country (north of the Arctic circle) is mostly heath 
and moors with only 7% wooded, mainly birch growth 
of little commercial value. 

The commercially important forest area is, there- 
fore, locally confined. It is estimated that one-half 
of the territory has to import its lumber, one-quarter 
has sufficient for home consumption, and the excess 
which permits exportation is confined to the last 
quarter. This export, mostly in logs and staves, 
which amounts to nearly 20 million dollars (40% of 
the total export) half of it woodpulp is estimated to 
represent only one-fifth or one-sixth of the total cut, 
which is stated as about 350 million cubic feet, or at 
the rate of 23 cubic feet on the productive area while 

Forest and Property Conditions. 307 

the annual growth is estimated at less than this 
amount, namely at the rate of nearly 21 cubic feet 
in the southern districts, and in the northern not over 
12 cubic feet. 

Scotch Pine is the principal timber, and occurs 
beyond the Arctic Circle — the northernmost forest 
in the world — where its rotation becomes 150 to 200 
years, with Norway Spruce more or less localized, 
these two species forming 75 per cent, of the forest 
growth; oak, ash, basswood and elm occurring sporadi- 
cally, and White Birch being ubiquitous. 

Forest property developed on the same lines as in 
Sweden and in other European countries, hence we 
find State, communal, and private property. 

When in the ninth century, upon Harold's accession, 
the commons were declared the property of the king, 
the rights of user, both to wood and grazing, were 
retained by the marker, and the so-called State com- 
mons {stats-almenninger) remain to date encumbered 
by these rights, similar to conditions in Sweden. 
From the end of the 17th to the middle of the 19th 
century it was the policy of the kings to dispose of 
these commons whenever their exchequer was low, 
and the best of these lands became, by purchase, 
property of the districts (bygdealmenning) , provinces, 
city and village corporations, or else became private 
property on which the rights of user continued {privat- 
almenninger) . 

At present the State owns, largely in the northern 
districts, somewhat over 4.8 million acres (28.5%) ; 
but of this hardly 2 million acres are productive, and 


308 Norway. 

of these productive acres half a milUon consists of 
encumbered commons from which the State receives 
hardly any income. The district commons or com- 
munal, and other public institute forests comprise 
around 7,800,000 acres (46%) ; but here again only 
580,000 acres are productive. The balance then, or a 
full one-quarter is in private hands. 

Export trade in wood had been very early carried 
on, and had been considerably developed in the 13th 
and 14th century. By the middle of the 17th century 
the coast forest of oak had been cut out by Dutch 
and English wood merchants who had obtained log- 
ging privileges under special treaties of 1217 and 
1308, and by Hanseatic cities, especially Hamburg 
entering this market in the middle of the 16th 

There are records which would make it appear that 
at least some of the now denuded coast was forested 
in olden times. The development of the iron industry 
increased the drain on these supplies, which forest 
fires, insects and excessive grazing prevented from 

As early as the middle of the 16th century we find 
attempts to arrest the devastation by regulating the 
export trade and supervising the sawmills, forbidding 
especially the erection of sawmills intended to work 
for export only. 

In the 17th century, various commissions were ap- 
pointed by Christian IV to make forest reconnais- 
sances and elaborate rules for proper forest use. In 
1683, Christian V issued a forest ordinance increasing 

Administrative Development. 309 

the number of forest inspectors instituted by his 
predecessor, and giving in detail the rules governing 
forest use, many of which proved impractical. 

In 1725, a commission, the socalled forest and 
sawmill commission, was appointed to organize a 
forest service. It functioned until 1739, when the 
first Generalforstamt was established and the first 
attempt at real forest management was made. This 
came into existence through the efforts of two famous 
German foresters, J. G. von Langen and von Zanthier, 
who with six assistants were called in from the Harz 
mountains (as also afterwards to Denmark and 
Sweden), during the years 1736 to 1740, to make a 
forest survey and organize a management. De- 
scriptions and instructions were elaborated in German 
and the service was largely manned by German "wood 
foresters" (holzforsterne) . The strictness of the de- 
partment which had been organized after von Langen's 
departure in 1739, made it, however, unpopular, and, 
in 1746, it was abolished, von Zanthier returning to 
his country, the sole survivor, the other assistants 
having succumbed to scurvy. The administration 
was again placed in the hands of a commission which 
continued till 1760. 

Only the forests connected with mines remained 
under the administration as instituted, and those 
belonging to the copperworks of Roras continued 
under its forest inspectors until 1901. 

In that year, 1760, another shortlived attempt to 
organize a forest administration was made, but the 
new organization did not fare any better and was 
superseded in 1771. Then followed an interim 

;^1() Nonvay. 

rcginu'ii, (luring which (h(^ gcMicral govcniinciit and 
district officers were in charge. 

The old orders under which forest use had been regu- 
lated remained mostly in force until in 1795 all the 
reasonable and (he umeasonable obstructions to export 
were removed. The sawmill privileges, under which 
English lumbermen held large areas for long terms 
and devaslaled them witiiout regard to the impracti- 
cal regulations, were, however, not ended until I860. 
The wood industries were then relieved entirely from 
restrictions, and forest destruction progressed even 
more nipidly with {\]v increasmg facilities for trans- 

This final cessation of the destructive policy was 
the outcome of a camj)aign which started once 
more with a forest commission instituted, in 1849, to 
take stock and mak(^ new pr()i)ositions. This com- 
mission reported in 1850, and pointed out not only 
the necessity of terminating the sawmill privileges, 
which was done in 1851, giving time till 18G0, but also 
very wisely acccMituated the need of technically edu- 
cated foresters if anything for forest recuperation 
was to l)e done. 

To meet this latter want, young men were sent to 
(■ermany at government expense* to study forestry. 
Some iO or 12 men were educated in this way during 
the next decade and thereby the basis for a technical 
forest management was laid. In 1857, the lirst two 
professional foresters, Mejdt^ll and Uarth, were* placed 
in charge of affairs under the lnterit)r Department, 
and when in 1859 a new conmiission was charged 
with organizing a forest si rvice, these two men wim'C 

A(hmnistrativc Orii^anization. 311 

members. Gradually an organization took shape 
under the direction of these two forestmeisters, and, 
finally, in 18G3, the modern forest department and 
forest policy was established by law, placing the 
State domain and other public forests under an effec- 
tive management, making provision for the extinction 
of the ruinous rights of user and also for reducing 
the mismanagement of private forests. 

The forest service, as now constituted after a re- 
organization in 1900, is in the Department of Agricul- 
ture under a director (Skovdirector) and 4 Forshncister 
or inspectors with some executive officers under 
various names, and 360 rangers {skogsvogternes), 
including the rangers employed in the public forests 
outside the State domain. The ranges are so large, 
sometimes several million acres, and many of them 
so inaccessible that only the most extensive manage- 
ment is possible; the officials being poorly paid and 
poorly educated, the management is, of course, not 
of a high order. 

Besides a "forest engineer," who is a public lecturer, 
the officers of the forest department are under the 
obligation of advising private forest owners in their 
management, under contracts somewhat similar to 
the present practice of the U. S. Forestry Bureau, the 
owners agreeing to follow the advice. 

Since 1800, the State has begun to purchase forest 
lands for reforestation in the forestless districts and 
where, for protective reasons, it is desirable. In late 
years, regular appropriations of $15,000 to $20,000 
were annually made for this purpose, besides extra- 
ordinary grants. In this way, the cut-over lands, 

312 Norway. 

neglected by their owners, are cheaply acquired by 
the State. Besides its own planting, the State assists 
private owners by advice and money grants and 
plantmaterial in reforesting their waste lands. 

The communal forests are under government 
supervision ; they are usually worked under plans and 
under supervision of foresters with a view to supply 
the needs of the community. Only when the area 
is more than sufficient may they obtain the right to 
cut for sale outside of their parish ; on the other hand 
all fellings may be prohibited by the government, if 
this is found desirable. As regards private property 
there seems to be little or no supervision, although 
the law of 1863 had declared Kultur plight and KuUur- 
tvanky i.e., the duty of reforesting, but it had not de- 
fined that duty, and the law remained a dead letter. 

In 1874, a special commission was charged to con- 
sider the forest policy which the public welfare re- 
quired. The commission reported in 1879 with pro- 
positions, which were submitted to the officials of 
the department and the district. A new proposition 
was worked out and submitted in 1882, but it was 
pigeonholed until 1891, when the forest administra- 
tion brought in not a general law but one merely for- 
bidding the export from Nordland, Tromsoe and 
Finmarken, the thinly forested northern provinces. 

Finally, in 1893, legislation was had enabling muni- 
cipalities to protect themselves against destruction 
of forests needed for their protective function. This 
gives to them the right to formulate rules which are 
to prevent devastation, as for instance a diameter 
limit for felling, or reforestation of clearings. But 

Forest Policy and Education. 313 

the costs of such restriction must be borne by the 
municipalities as well as half the cost of inspection, 
the other half being paid by the State. The pro- 
cedure to determine the protective quality of forests 
and the financial difficulty have left the law unused. 
In 1878, however, a committee of private owners 
formed itself, to fix the sand dunes, which with the 
State subventions started work the following year. 

Many of the State forests are so burdened with 
rights of user, which were granted to help in develop- 
ing the country, that the financial results of the 
forest administration and the conditions of the State 
property are most unsatisfactory, and the application 
of silviculture greatly circumscribed. 

The silvicultural system applied is most generally 
the rough selection forest or an approach to group 
system, relying upon voluntary reproduction en- 
tirely. Management is much hampered by rights 
of user to certain dimensions, and in the more distant 
districts by the difficulty of disposing of any but the 
best sizes. An orderly organization is still almost 
unknown. The stumpage is sold and removed by the 
buyer and the axe is still mainly used. 

Higher forest schools there are none, but three 
schools for the lower grades had existed for some time, 
the first having been established in 1875 at Kongsberg; 
one of them was abandoned in 1889. Forestry is also 
taught at two farm schools. 

Until recently the higher class foresters had to get 
their education in Germany, or in the Swedish Forest 

314 Norway. 

Institute at Stockholm; but in 1879, a chair of forestry 
was instituted in the Agricultural college at Kristiania. 

In 1881, the first forestry association was formed, 
which by 1898 had over 500 members, and then was 
re-organized with a special view to elevate private 
forestry practice. It has now (1907) 1,500 members, 
and employs a forester paid by the State, to give 
professional advice, and works with State aid. It 
has set out over 50 million trees besides sowing 
8,000 lbs. of seed. It publishes a journal Tidskrift 
for Skogsbruk, and a Yearbook. There is also another 
journal, Forstligt Tidskrift, and a professional Society 
of Foresters. 

Altogether forestry is not yet on a high level in this 
country, but the subject is now being brought even 
into the primary schools, and the efforts to improve 
conditions are widespread. 


Forestry in Denmark is of interest especially on 
account of the intensive methods developed on small 
areas, and of the efforts at reforestation of sand dunes, 
moors and heaths. 

Greatly curtailed in area when, as a result of the 
war of 1864, Prussia detached the provinces of Schles- 
wig and Holstein, Denmark now has an area of 15,360 
square miles with 2.5 million people (or 163 to the 
square mile). It is largely a farming country, 80 per 
cent, being productive, only 6.3 per cent, of it, or less 
than 600,000 acres being under forest, and this also 
mostly on soil capable of farm use; hence an import 

Forest Conditions. 315 

of over 7 million dollars worth of wood material is 

In addition, there are about 75,000 acres of heaths 
and other wastes in process of reforestation. Especi- 
ally on the island of Sjalland, on which the capital 
Copenhagen, is situated, the forest area is now in- 
creasing by planting. The balance, or nearly 20 per 
cent, of the land area, consists of heaths, moors, peat- 
bogs and sands. 

Half the forest area is located on the islands, and 
as these represent about one-third of the total area, 
they are twice as densely forested as the peninsula 
of Jutland. This latter along the north and west 
coast for 200 miles represents a large sandbank with 
extensive sand dunes, shifting sands, heaths and 
moors, a desolate almost uninhabited country of 
sterile downs, called Klitten, the recovery of which 
has been in progress for a hundred years. According 
to some, this once bore a coniferous forest, more likely 
it was never forested. 

While originally beech was and is still the predomi- 
nant timber ((60%) with considerable additions of 
oak (7%) and other hardwoods, a conifer forest of 
spruce and pine, covering more than 20% of the 
forest area, has been established by planting. This 
planting has been mainly done on the dunes and sand- 
wastes, and in the reclamation of the extensive heaths 
and moors or peat bogs, especially in the northern 
Limf jord district, which occupy one-sixth of the unpro- 
ductive area. 

As was natural, the forest stocking on good farm 

316 Denmark. 

land had to yield early to plow and pasture. Attempts 
at conservative use of the forest area date back to 
1557 when Christian III issued a forest ordinance 
directing his vassals or liege lords to permit the 
peasants to secure their domestic wood requirements 
at a cheap rate, but not to permit cutting for sale or 
export, and reserving to himself all returns from such 
sales. There were also regulations for the pasture, 
especially as to goats, and for the use of the mast, 
which then formed more than one-quarter of the 
income from the royal forests. 

In the 18th century the need of forest management 
was recognized, and in 1762 the two eminent German 
foresters, von Langen and von Zanthier (see p. 88) 
were invited to visit Denmark and Norway (see above) 
with a view of organizing such management. In 
1760, eight young Danes were sent to von Langen in 
Wernigerode to study his methods for three years, 
and these with the two German foresters returned 
in 1762, and under the direction of von Langen organ- 
ized the Seeland forest areas and started the first 
plantations of conifers, which are now the pride of 
Danish foresters. 

In 1781, the State forests were altogether placed 
under an organized administration. 

By the beginning of the 19th century the reduction 
of forest areas had progressed to such an extent that, 
in 1805, a law was enacted providing that the then 
existing forest area containing beech and oak should 
be maintained as such forever, or at least that for 
any new clearing an equivalent area be planted to 
forest. This law was perhaps the result of a journey 

Development of Forest Policy. 317 

in 1802, to Germany made by two leading officials of 
the forest department, German influence through 
Cotta and Hartig being at this time visible every- 

Other restrictions in the disposal of peasants' farms 
or woodlands and in the manner of farming the large 
estates (otherwise than by renting to farmers), were 
also enacted in order to secure stability of the peasant 
class. It was at this time that the accumulative 
taxing of landed estates now under heated discussion 
in Great Britain, was used effectively to break up 
the aggregation of landed property and changed the 
country from one of baronial estates to small farmer's 
holdings. In this reform movement the name of Count 
Reventlow, Chief of the State forest department, 
appears as the leading spirit. 

The forest area, which until 1820 was on the de- 
crease, has since that time increased steadily, and is 
especially now increasing through reforestation of 
waste lands. 

At present, most intensive forest management 
is practised in the State forest as well as in the com- 
munal and private forest areas, which latter as stated, 
are largely in farmers' wood lots since the law forbids the 
union of small farms into large estates. There is little 
communal property, and large private estates are 
also rare. The State owns about 24% of the forest 
area or 142,000 acres, of which one third is nonpro- 
ductive or otherwise occupied, and one third con- 
sists of coniferous plantations. Excepting in the beech 
forest, most of the timber is of the younger age classes, 
below 60 to 80 years, and it is anticipated that the cut 

318 Denmark, 

will have to be reduced, and the import of wood and 
woodenware increased. 

Artificial reproduction is the most general silvicul- 
tural practice except in the beech forest which is re- 
produced naturally after preparation of the soil and 
sowing acorns for admixture at the same time, spend- 
ing altogether $12 to $15 per acre in this preparation. 
Since 1880, thinnings have been based on the idea 
of favoring final harvest trees somewhat after the 
French fashion; they are begun in the twentieth to 
thirtieth year and are repeated every three years, 
aided by pruning. Then in each subsequent decade 
the return occurs in as many years as the decade has 
tens. Especially in the direction of thinnings, the 
German practice and even theory is outdone, the 
thinnings being made severer and recurring more 

More than a hundred years ago the State began the 
reclamation work of the dunes and heaths, but it pro- 
gressed more actively only since the sixties of last 
century as a result of legislation had in 1857. In 
1867, a special Dune Department was instituted, and 
through the effort of a State engineer, Capt. Dalgas, 
an association was formed for the reclamation of 
heaths and moors. A small subvention of $600 started 
the work of the association, in its useful campaign under 
the advice of Staats planteur (State forest planter) 
Jensen Tusch. The State subvention now amounts 
to about forty thousand dollars annually, and the 
success of the association has been such that it has 
become almost a fad for large land owners and others 

Education and Literature. 319 

to buy up these waste lands and have them planted 
through the agents of the Heath Association. The 
planting is mainly of spruce in plow furrows at a cost 
of $10 to $12 per acre; 60 to 80 year old stands of 
earlier plantings testifying to the possible results. 

In the last 40 years nearly 200,000 acres of heath 
have been planted, of which over one-half are to the 
credit of the association. 

For the education of the higher grade foresters a 
department of forestry (now with two professors) was 
instituted in the Royal Veterinary and Agricultural 
High School at Copenhagen in 1869, with a course of 
five years including one and a half year of practical 
work. This education is given free of charge. 

The Heath Association educates its own officers, in- 
cluding in their subjects the management of meadows 
and peatbogs. 

A Forestry Association, composed one-half of forest 
owners, with its organ Tidskrift for Skovvaesen, in 
existence since 1888, and a valuable book literature, 
in which the problems of the heath are especially 
fully and authoritatively treated, places Denmark in 
the foremost rank in the forestry world in these 

Among the prominent contributors are to be men- 
tioned, besides Reventlow and Dalgas, P. E. Milller, 
well known by his discussions of the problems of moor 
soils. From 1876 to 1891, he issued a magazine, in 
which Oppermann contributed a history of Danish 
forestry. The latter author also, in co-operation with 
Hauch, published in 1900 a Hand-book of Forestry. 


Geographically, and to some extent climatically, 
the three peninsulas of the Mediterranean Sea, the 
Iberian, Italian, and the Balkan, are situated alike. 
Their people, if not in race, are in temper and charac- 
teristics, and in their political economy more or less 
alike. They represent the oldest civilization in 
Europe, and in their long history have been frequently 
in collision with each other. Their forests, through 
centuries of abuse, are wherever accessible, in poorest 
condition. Long-continued political disturbances, 
which have prevented peaceful development, and 
poverty, have been the greatest hindrances to economic 
reforms like the recuperation of forests, which 
require sacrifices. Ancient rights of user, and the 
necessity of politicians to respect them are also re- 
sponsible for the fact that, while praiseworthy at- 
tempts in legislation have been made, execution has 
been usually lagging behind. 

The accessibility to sea, permitting readily importa- 
tion, the temperate climate, the simple life and ab- 
stemiousness of the people, and the lack of industrial 
development have made the deficiency of wood 
material less felt than it would otherwise be, but the 
detrimental influence of forest destruction is being 
repeatedly experienced in floods and drouths. 

There is probably no more potent cause of forest 

Slavish Countries. 321 

devastation in all this section of the world than the 
pasturing of the woods, especially with sheep and 

While Italy is now a united country, and only two 
peoples, Spain and Portugal, occupy the Iberian 
peninsula, the Balkan peninsula is occupied by eight 
separate peoples, if we include all the country south 
of the Danube River and East of the Carpathian 


The Turks for centuries warred with, had under 
vassalage or otherwise controlled, and misruled all 
the Slavish States, as well as Macedonia and Greece — 
a territory of around 170,000 square miles and 
16,000,000 people — until, by the Congress of Berlin 
(1878), ending the Russo-Turkish war, these States 
were recognized as independent kingdoms, namely 
Bulgaria, Servia, Montenegro, Roumelia, and Rou- 
mania, while Bosnia-Hercegovina was placed under 
Austrian administration (see page 155 and 166). 

With the exception of Roumania, these people are 
still in the lower stages of civilization, the countries 
undeveloped, the forest still serves largely for the 
mast and pasturage, probably less than 24 per cent, 
of the country being forest covered, mostly with 
deciduous trees, oak, beech and walnut, etc. 

Roumania alone has systematically taken advan- 
tage of her freedom from Turkish rule in developing 
a modern civilization, and can also boast the beginning 
of a forestry system. 

322 Turkey and Slavish Countries. 

Roumelia, comprising Macedonia, Albania and 
Thrace, the Turkish possessions in Europe, with 67,000 
square miles and 5,000,000 people, contain large areas of 
untouched forest (not less than 5,000,000 acres in Mace- 
donia alone*) with valuable oak and walnut, which have 
remained unused owing to their inaccessibility and 
the undesirability of developing them under Turkish 
rule. Where accessible, the forest is maltreated or 

Bulgaria, to which, in 1885, East Roumelia was 
attached, represents now 38,000 square miles and 
over 4,000,000 people, independent under a German 
prince as king since 1879. The forest areaj of 7.5 
million acres (30 per cent, of the land area), mostly 
deciduous (oak, beech, walnut, etc.), and largely con- 
fined to the mountains, is one-half in communal owner- 
ship, one-sixth in private hands, mostly small wood- 
lots, and one-third State property; but ownership 
rights are still much in doubt, and until 1869 the State 
forests were freely open to the use of all, when some 
sort or regulation of the cut according to the needs of 
different communities was attempted. Since within 
10 years such rights of user establish ownership, end- 
less litigation has resulted, until in 1883 a law was 
enacted ordering the stoppage of rights of user, sub- 
stituting money payment (10 per cent, of value), and 
another restricting the diameter to which the most 
valuable export timber, walnut, may be cut. Changes 
in detail were made in 1897, but political exigencies, 
absence of an -adequate organization, and other un- 

* Lacretelle, Rapport sur les forets de la Mac^doine, 1893. 
t Fofstliche Rundschati, 1903. 

Slavish Countries. 323 

developed conditions have largely prevented enforce- 
ment of these laws, and rough exploitation continues 
in spite of the nominal State control. 

Owing to inaccessibility of many of the agricul- 
tural districts to the wooded mountains, a large im- 
port was necessary, but lately export almost equals 
the import, and indeed the export of walnut has in- 
creased fourteenfold in a few years. The forest ad- 
ministration is vested in a bureau under the Minister 
of Commerce and Agriculture, with a chief, an in- 
spector general, and two assistant chiefs. When it 
is stated that in 1905 the entire budget for forestry 
was $150,000, the inefficiency of the service is apparent. 

Servia, a kingdom with 19,000 square miles and 
2,000,000 people, has over 42 per cent, (five million 
acres — according to others only 32%) still in un- 
touched forest, with valuable oak and walnut, the 
forest being mainly used for hograising. Over 36% 
is State forest, over 43% communal and institutional 
forest, leaving about 20% in private hands; but, just 
as in Bulgaria, property conditions are still somewhat 
unsettled. Like Bulgaria also on account of the 
uneven distribution of forest area, lack of transporta- 
tion and systematic development — a large part of 
the population are more cheaply supplied by importa- 
tion, which amounts to near one million dollars. 
Curiously enough, by the law of 1891 only the wood 
cut from State and church forests could be exported 
free of duty. This export duty was abolished in 
1904, and the first attempt was made by the Minister 
of Agriculture to bring order into the forest adminis- 
tration by importing German foresters. 


324 Roumania. 

The law of 1891, with various subsequent additions 
and changes, placed private forest property located 
on exposed mountain slopes or on shifting sands, or 
on bogsoils under government surveillance, and re- 
lieved plantations made under direction of the govern- 
ment of taxes for 10 years. 

Roumania* with 50,000 square miles and nearly 
6,000,000 people, under the capable administration 
of a Hohenzollern prince. King Charles, was in Roman 
times as Dacia felix one of the most prosperous 
provinces, half of it hilly and mountainous, the other 
half in the rich alluvial valley of the Danube, now 
largely deforested. The hill and mountain country 
was until the end of the eighteenth century still well 
wooded. A rapid depletion then took place by the 
demands of the Turkish markets, until now not quite 
17 per cent, (according to others 18 or 20 per cent.) 
of the area is forested, and multifarious rights of user, 
which made commons of the woods, have naturally 
led to widespread devastation in the accessible parts. 
In 1847, the National Assembly attempted regulation 
of the cut and of the rights of user, but with little 
effect. In 1894, the total area had decreased to less 
than 5 million acres (according to others 6.7 million 
acres), of which two-fifths is in private hands, two- 
fifths State property and Royal forest (formerly, until 
1863, in the hands of the monks), the small balance 
belonging to communities and institutes. In the 
higher mountains, fir and spruce with some pine and 
larch form the forest; but broadleaf forest, especially 

*Dte forst'zvtrischaftlichen Verhalinisse Rumaniens, Von Mihail Vasilescu, 
189i. Notice sur lesforets de Roumafiie, in Statistica p&durilor Statulin. 1903. 

Organization. 325 

oak and beech is the prevailing type occupying the 
middle altitudes and the hill country. The private 
forest of small owners is being rapidly depleted, only 
the State forest and that of large proprietors being in 
good condition. 

In 1863, when the cloister property was secularized 
and taken over by the state, the rights of user in this 
property were suspended, and sales at auction to 
contractors were inaugurated, under condition that 
a certain number of seed trees per acre be left. There 
was little enforcement of this rule. 

The first comprehensive law organizing the State 
property and inaugurating a protective policy was 
enacted in 1881. This law recognized State, Royal 
and Communal property as of public concern, and 
also placed such private property under supervision 
as was situated on steep slopes, near watercourses, 
and near the boundaries (of strategic importance). 
These areas, coming under the protective policy, 
comprise 84 per cent, of the whole forest area. They 
were not to be cleared except by special permit, and 
not to be exploited except under specially approved 
working plans. 

In 1885, three French foresters were called in to 
organize a State forest department and to inaugurate 
the making of working plans. The personnel (25 
inspectors and 89 district officers) being insufficient, 
and wood prices low (the income from state property 
being not over $400,000), the progress of the work was 
slow. Although, in 1894, the income had doubled, 
the administrative forces had not been enlarged to 
any great extent (137 foresters of various grades), 

326 Roumania. 

and by that time only 150,000 acres had been brought 
under working plans. By 1900, about 200,000 acres of 
State property, or 14 per cent., and 500,000 acres of 
private forest, or 22 per cent., were organized in some 
fashion. Lack of means of transportation, however, 
prevents a really well regulated management. Al- 
together only 65 per cent, of the State property is 
accessible so that it can be worked, and the working 
plans consist mainly in leaving a number of seed trees. 
In 1889, a Forestry Association {Progressul Silvic) 
was formed, which with its organ, Revista pddurilor, 
pushes the propaganda. In 1890, an energetic Minis- 
ter of Domains, Carp, sought strenuously to bring 
improvement into the situation. A budget of $500,000 
for foresters' dwellings was secured to bring the forest 
managers into closer contact with their charges, a 
planting fund of $100,000, later increased to $140,000 
per annum, was voted, and reforestation and reclam- 
ation of sand dunes was begun. A forest improve- 
ment fund was inaugurated in 1892 by setting aside 
2 per cent, of the gross forest yield. But, in the politi- 
cal struggles. Carp's party was displaced, and, de- 
pression in agricultural prosperity causing financial 
distress, an era of increased exploitation followed, so 
that the export of forest products, largely cooperage, 
(mainly to Greece, Italy and France) which had been 
declining to less than half, rose again to about four 
million dollars annually. The financial embarrass- 
ment of the State led even to a proposition to sell 
State forests, but, before contracts for this purpose 
were consummated, relief came and the danger was 

Administration. 327 

The State cuts about 22,000 acres annually, yielding 
about $1,000,000, the administration costing (in 1903) 
$240,000, leaving a net yield of 30 cents per acre. In 
1898, the Forest Department, in the Direction of 
Domains under the Ministry of Agriculture consisted 
of a Forest Director with 156 foresters academically 
educated (mostly in France, and since 1892 in the 
Agricultural Institute at Bucharest), and over 2,500 
underforesters and guards. Of some 30,000 acres of 
sand dunes, one-half belonging to the State, about 
18,000 acres have been recovered by planting Black 
Locust, and some 9,000 acres of plains country have 
been reforested, for which 330 acres of nurseries 
furnish the material. In spite of all these efforts, ex- 
cessive pasturing, although forbidden in the State 
forest, and fires continue to devastate the property. 

Private forestry is, of course, much less developed ; 
yet some large properties (Princess Schoenburg, with 
20,000 acres) are under efficient German forest man- 
agement. Here, money is spent on developing means 
of transportation, and a better revenue is secured 
than in State forests. 


The history of the country has been so unfortunate, 
and political conditions so unsettled that only lately 
efforts at improvement in economic conditions could 
hope to receive attention. For centuries after Greece 
had become a Roman province (146 B.C.), it changed 
rulers, Romans, Byzantines, Franks, Venetians follow- 
ing each other, until, between 1460 and 1473, it came 

328 Greece. 

under the Turkish yoke. As a result of an insurrec- 
tion started in 1821, freedom, but no settled order as 
yet, was attained in 1829 through the assistance of 
Great Britain, France and Russia, and the elected 
kings, Otho (of Bavaria), Alfred (of England) and 
George (of Denmark) successively tried to secure 
social order and efficient constitutional government. 
By the time this new era had arrived there was 
probably little valuable forest worthy of the name 
left, except in the inaccessible mountain districts. 

1. Forest Conditions. 

Although certain districts, like Attica, were already 
practically denuded in Plato's time, there is little 
doubt that originally the whole of Greece with small 
exceptions was a continuous forest. The destruc- 
tion of the forest, protected by thousands of gods and 
nymphs in holy groves, proceeded slowly under the 
regime of the ancient Greeks, until the fanaticism 
of the Christian religion led to a war against these 
pagan strongholds, and the holy groves were reduced 
by axe and fire. Turkish misrule for centuries, over- 
taxation, reckless cutting, extensive herding of goats 
and sheep, and fires have reduced the forest area until 
now it occupies only 12 or 14 per cent, of the land area 
(25,000 square miles). In 1854, a survey developed 
about 2 million acres of woodlands (probably an ex- 
cessive figure) for the now 2.5 million people, while 
67 per cent, of the surface is a useless waste, and only 
20 per cent, under cultivation, so that the general 
aspect of the country is desolate. The many islands 
are entirely deforested, and so are the seashores. 

Forest Conditions. 329 

"Where in olden times dense shady poplars stood, 
now only infertile sand and dreary rock waste remain." 

The forest in northern and middle Greece is con- 
fined to the two rugged mountain ranges with numer- 
ous spurs which run parallel, north and south, with 
Mt. Olympus (nearly 9,000 feet) and Mt. Pindus 
(6,000 feet) the highest elevations. The large fertile 
plains of Thessaly and Boeotia are forestless. So is 
the large Arcadian plateau of the Peloponnesus, and 
the other smaller, hot but fertile plains and plateaus. 
The most valuable conifer forest is found on the higher 
ranges between the 2,500 and 5,000 foot level, below 
the snow-clad mountain tops, where especially two 
species of fir, Abies Apollinis and Abies regince Amaliae 
(a species remarkable for its sprouting habit), v/ith 
other and several species of Juniperus and Cic- 
pressus, form sometimes extensive forests. Other 
common trees are chestnut, sycamore, several species 
of oak and poplar, and, on the coast, Pinus halepensis. 

The firs occupy about 35 per cent, of the forest area, 
oaks and deciduous forest 45 per cent. Among the 
forest products which are exported, we find galls, 
Vermillion and sumach prominent. 

It is believed that Greece in ancient times was more 
fertile than it is now, and that the deterioration is 
due to deforestation. Undoubtedly soil conditions 
favored such deterioration, for, with the exception of 
the Pindus range, which is composed of metamorphic 

Dr. Chloros, Waldverhaltnisse Griechenlands. Thesis for the Doctorate at 
Munich. 1884. 45 pp. 

Anderlind, Mittheilungen iiber die Waldverhaltnisse Griechenlands. Allge- 
meine Forst-und Jagdzeitung'. 1884. 

330 Greece. 

rock, a poor, dry limestone is characteristic of the 
country except where fertile, alluvial and diluvial 
deposits cover it in valleys along the coast. The 
climate is, however, so favorable that even the poor 
soil would readily reclothe itself if left alone. The 
winters are short, hardly three months, and with 
hardly any snow or ice except on the high mountains, 
making the vegetative period nine months; and, with 
temperature ranges from 20 to 106 degrees F.; rainfall 
average 400 mm.; the summers, to be sure, rainless 
and dry, but the other seasons humid, somewhat less 
than in middle Europe, rapid growth is the result of 
these conditions. But the continued pasturing of 
goats and sheep — some six million — prevents any 
natural reforestation. Increased taxation on this 
industry has had no effect, and the practice of per- 
mitting the people to gather dry wood for fuel is an 
incentive for making dry wood by setting fires, which 
also serve to improve the pasture; perhaps nowhere 
are forest fires more frequent, in spite of heavy penal- 
ties. That a baneful influence on the water condition 
and river flow has been the result is historically 
demonstrated by Chloros.* 

In the mountains some fine and quite extensive 
bodies of fir still exist, lack of transportation having 
preserved them. Elsewhere the rights of user, and 
the herding of goats are so well established that re- 
forms appear, indeed, difficult. 

Firewood, 3 loads for each person, supposed to be 

*See Allgemehie Forst-imd Jagd zeitung 1884. p. 183 fF., and 1887. p. 327 flF. 
for interesting: details. 

Forest Treatment. 331 

taken from the dead or otherwise useless trees, and 
small dimension material is free to all. For the right 
to cut workwood, the government charges a tax of 
25 to 30 per cent, of the value of the material, the 
price for this being annually determined. On the 
material cut in private forests, the government also 
levies a tax of from 12 to 18 per cent, of its value. 
This pernicious system of promiscuous cutting leads 
to the most wasteful use imaginable, not only high 
stumps, but large amounts of good material are left 
in the woods so that it is estimated that hardly 50 per 
cent, of what is cut is really utilized. The cut, as far 
as the tax gives a clue to it, amounts to round 2.7 
million cubic feet workwood, but with the firewood 
included it was estimated that near 90 million cubic 
feet are cut annually. Importation to the amount 
of 1.5 million dollars, mostly from Austria and 
Roumania, makes up the deficit in work material, 
especially for the box factories which manufacture 
the packages for the large export of currants, some 
2 million boxes. The tax during the decade from 1862 
to 1871 produced an annual income of $600,000, a 
little less in 1895. 

The forest has been from olden times, and is now 
almost entirely, State property (some 80 or 90 per 
cent.) and in nearly all the remaining, private, com- 
munal and cloister property the State has a partial 
ownership or supervision. The waste land of pro- 
bably 3 million acres extent also belongs to the State, 
the whole State property covering over 30 per cent, of 
the land area. 

332 Greece. 

2. Development of Forest Policies. 

A first definite attempt to regulate matters was 
made by Otho, who being a German, took a personal 
interest in this forest property, and instituted for 
each province forest inspectors (dasarchys) under one 
chief inspector, with forest guards, to prevent devas- 
tation by fire and theft. The mistake was made of 
employing in these positions superannuated Bavarian 
army officers, who were merely a burden on the 
treasury. No management or even regular fellings 
were attempted. The population could, as before, 
supply its needs upon permits, always granted, from 
the governor of the province, one of the forest guards 
being supposed to vise these, and to see that the wood 
was properly employed, not, however, to supervise 
the cutting. 

In 1877, further legislation was had, instituting in 
the Ministry of Finance, a forest inspector, techni- 
cally trained, with two assistant inspectors, also 
technically trained, to superintend the outside work. 
A forest survey was begun in 1879, but interrupted in 
1880 for lack of funds and personnel. The same law 
placed the duty of guarding the State property in the 
hands of the general police or gendarmerie, 50 officers 
and some 340 guards, and during the fire danger (June 
to October) 110 more, being detailed for this service 
under direction of the Minister of War. The pernici- 
ous permit system, however, was continued. 

Dr. Chloros, who obtained his education in Ger- 
many, became finally Forest Director and was re- 
sponsible for securing further legislation in 1888, the 

Development of Forest Policy. 333 

object of which was, as a first step towards improve- 
ment, to survey and delimit and round off the State 
property. It provided that enclaves, and all abso- 
lute forest soil was to be expropriated. If no amicable 
agreement with the owner could be reached, the price 
was to be determined by the net yield which had 
been obtained from the property during the last five 
years, capitalized at 5 per cent. No attempts, how- 
ever, at an efficient organization or change of the 
destructive permit system were made. 

By general law, the State has the right to surveillance 
of private property, although the extent of this right 
is not fully defined. The government may take for 
its own use, by paying for it, upwards of one-sixth of 
the annual cut; it collects a tax of 12 to 18 per cent, 
for all woodwork cut; it forbids the pasturing of woods 
that have been burned within 10 years, and obliges 
all owners of over 1200 acres to employ forest guards. 
This and other interference with property rights 
naturally acts as deterrent to private forest manage- 
ment. A notable exception is the small private royal 
forest property near Athens, which, since 1872 under 
a Danish forester, appears to have been managed 
under forestry principles. 

A thorough re-organization of the forest service 
v\^as effected in 1893, when 20 district foresters were 
employed, the number of forest inspectors was in- 
creased to four, and a regular Division of Forestry 
was instituted in the Finance Department. The 
general police or gendarmerie was continued as forest 
guards. Until a native personnel could be educated 
by sending young men to Germany, foreigners 

334 Greece, 

were to be employed for the making of working 

Yet in 1896, the then Director of the Forest De- 
partment, a lawyer, still complains of the absence of 
a proper organization and of any personnel with fores- 
try knowledge. Apparently no progress had been 
made. In that year, however, the gendarmerie was 
to be replaced by forest guards (52 superior and 298 
subaltern) who were to be appointed from graduates 
of a special secondary school, which had been institu- 
ted at Vytina some two years before. This replace- 
ment could, of course, not be effected at once, since 
hardly more than 25 men could be graduated annually ; 
hence even this improvement in the lower class police 
would not be completeld for six or eight years. No 
steps had been taken to educate officers for the higher 
grades, and in this direction, propositions merely were 

In 1899, a change in the permit system was made, 
but hardly for the better, justices of the peace being 
empowered, under certain conditions, to issue such 
permits. Nor do we find in 1901 anything more than 
expressions of good wishes, and desire for further 
legislation, besides some attempts at popular educa- 
tion through the formation of tree-planting associ- 
ations under the patronage of the Crown Princess. 
In 1905 no change in conditions are reported. Forest 
fires still continue as a common occurrence. 

While the government makes efforts to improve 
conditions, the indifference, stupidity, cupidity, and 
malevolence of the people, and the long established 
abuses prevent rapid progress at reform. 

Conditions in Italy. 335 


The efforts to secure improvement in the treat- 
ment of forest resources have been more active and 
strenuous in Italy than in Greece. They were in- 
duced especially by the urgent need of protecting 
watersheds, the rivers throughout Italy having been 
turned into torrents by deforestation. But, owing to 
the weakness of the government and to poverty, the 
actual execution of the very good laws has lagged 
behind. Indeed, while ample legislation has been 
enacted, the people, overburdened with debt, and 
needing the small income that can be derived from 
pasturing or renting the pasture in the woods, make 
it difficult to carry on any reform, and the enforce- 
ment of the laws has again and again led to serious 
trouble. "Forestry is a sore point in the national 
economy of Italy, as it involves sacrifice of money and 
time." Italy, therefore, is still in the transition period 
from forestal rapine to forest culture. 

Densely populated (33 million on 110,600 square 
miles), with fully one-fifth of its area unproductive, 
or at least unused, and one-quarter of this almost or 

BollettJio ufficiale per V atnminstrazione forestale Italiana. 

Direzione generale delT Agricoltora : Relazione interno aU amininistrazione 
dei boschi domaniali inalienahili. 

Various essays by Prof. Vittorio Perona of Vallambrosa in German mag-a- 
zines; notably in Allgemeine Forst-und Jagdzeitung, 1882, 1888. 

Archeologia forestale. Dell antica storia e ghirisprtcdenza forestale in Italia. 
A. Di Berenger, 1859. 

Maffei, Revisi a forestale. 

Italy. By Prof. W. Deeke. 1904. 

// rimboschimento dello Appemiiiio mertdionale, hy LuiGi Savastano, 1893. 
An exceedingly well written popular treatise on silviculture, which gives also 
briefly insig'ht into forest conditions and forest practices. 

/ boschia e la nostra p>olitica Italiana, by Bertagnolli, 1889. 

Italia modema. 1901, article by Lunadoni. 

336 Italy. 

quite beyond redemption, no country offers better 
opportunities for studying the evil effects of de- 
forestation on soil and waterflow. As a result of the 
combination of geology (slates and limestones), topo- 
graphy (steep slopes), climate, and forest devastation 
or destruction, mainly by pasturage of goats (two 
million), the Italian rivers are invariably flooded in 
March and mostly dry in summer; the melting of the 
snow coinciding with the heavy spring rains turns 
them into raging torrents {fiumare), silting over the 
fertile lands in the valleys and occasional landsides 
in the mountain country, where extensive tracts are 
nearly bare of vegetation. Especially the rivers 
around Bologna, which in 1897 again caused damage 
in excess of one million dollars, are dreaded. 

1. Forest Conditions. 

Situated similarly to Greece as regards accessibility 
and climate, and similarly torn by wars and political 
strife, and in unstable conditions for centuries, Italy 
has in proportion to population, if not to area, reduced 
her forest resources even more than Greece; less than 
one-third of an acre per capita remains, with a total 
of somewhat over twelve million acres, or about 17 
per cent, of the land area, and this includes much 
useless brushland, over 2 million acres. Apparently, 
if the uncertain statistics may be relied upon, a re- 
duction of several million acres has taken place even 
since 1870. Some 15 million acres of waste land and 
swamps offer ample opportunity for increasing this 
forest area without infringing on the 42 million acres 
of usefully employed agricultural soil. 

Forest Conditions. 337 

Of the forest area, 25 per cent, is to be found in the 
Alps, about 50 per cent, on the Apennines, the one 
mountain range which forms the backbone of Italy; 
less than one-quarter is distributed over the plains, 
and the small balance is found on the islands, especi- 
ally Sicily, which is a hill and mountain country, once 
magnificently wooded, now largely denuded (4 per 
cent, wooded), and on Sardinia, which, with nearly 
45 per cent, under forest, is the best wooded part of 
Italy, although the condition of the forest is here no 
better than elsewhere. 

With the exception of the slopes of the Alps (2.5 
million acres of spruce, fir, beech, larch), and the tops 
of the Apennines and remote plateaus (4.5 million 
acres), and of a few special places on which now and 
then even magnificent remnants of virgin forest may 
be found — lack of transportation having preserved 
them — most of the area is occupied by miserable 
brush forest, coppice or else open forest with scattered 
trees among a shrub undergrowth of thorns, hazel and 
chestnut (called macchia, i.e., chapparal), so that 
most Italians have never seen a real forest. Never- 
theless, Italy is by no means as treeless as this con- 
dition of forest would imply, for trees (poplar, ash, 
elm) are dotting the plains and slopes, planted for vine 
supports and boundaries, unshapely through pollard- 
ing and lopping the branches for firewood. Olive 
and chestnut groves on the hills (of the former 2 
million acres, of the latter over 400,000 acres planted 
for the fruit), and 8.5 million acres in vineyards 
add to the wooded appearance of the country and 
to the wood supply. The annual product of fire- 

338 Italy. 

wood from these planted trees is estimated at 
6 milli oncords. 

On the sand dunes and near the seashore, especially 
in the marshes, the Maritime, the Aleppo Pine, and 
the umbrella-shaped Pinus pinea, and picturesque 
Cypresses are sometimes found in small groves, while 
the calcareous hills in this region up to 1200 feet are 
studded with olives, cork and evergreen oak. Osier 
growing is here also quite extensively practiced. In 
the mountains, above the 2700 foot level, conifer 
forest, composed of Pinus silvestris and laricio, and 
Abies pectinata, has been reduced to less than 7 per 
cent, of the whole, mixed conifer and deciduous forest 
represents 4 per cent., the bulk being deciduous forest 
of oak (several species) and beech, with chestnut. 
Forty-eight per cent,, of the forest area is in coppice 
(ceduo), and of the 52 per cent, of high forest, the bulk 
is managed under selection system (a scelta), a small 
part under clearing system {ad alto fusto), although 
management can hardly be said to exist except in 
small groves. 

That supply of workwood is insufficient for the 
needs of the population, and is decreasing, is attested 
by the fact that the importations more than doubled 
in the decade from 1892 to 1903 to near 14 million 
dollars, 80 per cent, of which was saw material, in 
addition to 2 million dollars of wood manufactures, 
while nearly 5 million dollars' worth was exported 
in the last named year, mostly cork, casks, thin box- 
boards, olive wood manufactures, and charcoal. No 
better picture of the forest conditions can be had than 
by a statement of the home production, which, in 

Property Conditions. 339 

1886, (last official data) was placed at 48 million cubic 
feet of workwood, valued at 3.4 million dollars, 223 
million cubic feet firewood, valued at 4.1 million, 106 
million cubic feet charcoal, worth 3.6 million, and 
by-products to the large amount of 6.4 million dollars, 
altogether a little less than 17.6 million dollars. Fire- 
wood and charcoal, which represent over 80 per cent, 
of the product, are, of course, furnished by coppice, 
and in addition by the pollarded material, almost the 
only fuel to be had. 

The ownership of the forest area is for the greater 
part private (53 per cent.) and communal (over 43 
per cent.), the State owning a little over 400,000 
acres, less than 4 per cent. The State property being 
so small, supervision of communal and private forest 
has become the policy. 

The State forest is of two classes, the alienable, 
under the Department of Finance, the larger part, 
about 375,000 acres, and the inalienable, so declared 
by law of 1871, which was then about 115,000 acres, 
and was placed under a forest administration in the 
Department of Agriculture; but of this about 20 per 
cent, is not forest, and even in 1896, some of this small 
area was sold so that now only 40,000 acres remain. 
This area is to serve for demonstration of model 
management, and to supply government needs. 
Beech and oak with fir, pine and larch, mostly in 
timber forest, characterize this property, which is 
managed mostly in selection system. Curiously 
enough, in 1888, the difficulty of disposing advantage- 
ously of the old timber is complained of, due to lack 
of means of transportation. The personnel of the 


340 Italy. 

administration consists of a central bureau with one 
Inspector General, three Inspectors, and a Council. 
For each province, and in some cases for two or more 
provinces together, an Inspector with several Sub- 
inspectors and a number of guards or hrigadieri are 
charged with the management of the State property 
and the enforcement of the forest laws. 

2. Development of Forest Policy. 

For centuries, since the fall of the Roman Empire 
(476 A.D.) until the end of the eighteenth century, 
Italy has been the victim of war and strife with neigh- 
bors or within its borders, being divided into number- 
less commonwealths, almost each city being inde- 
pendent. Hence, no economic improvements could 
take place until, under the influences of the French 
Revolution, the regeneration period began. Not, 
however, until the seven or eight states, which the 
Congress of Vienna (1815) had established, were 
moulded into one united Italy under Victor Em- 
manuel, during the years 1859 to 1870, could an effec- 
tive reconstruction be inaugurated. 

It is true that some of the republics in earlier times 
paid attention to their forest property. Notably in 
Venice, old forest ordinances* date back to 697, and, 
in 1453, a regular forest administration was instituted, 
especially to take care of the large forest area in 
Istria and Dalmatia, which fell into the hands of the 
Venetians about 1420. A tolerably conservative 
management continued here until the beginning of 

* Berengbr, Sagrgio storico della leglslacione Veneta forestale, 1863, An ex- 
cellent source. 

Early Forestry Legislation. 341 

the eighteenth century when, in consequence of politi- 
cal complications, supervision became lax, and devas- 
tation began which continued through the century, 
leaving to the new century, and finally to the Aus- 
trians, the legacy of the Karst (see p. 173). 

Florence toe, managed to prevent the deforestation 
of the summit of her mountains until the beginning of 
the eighteenth century, and in other republics, king- 
doms and duchies, similar efforts at forest adminis- 
tration existed. Yet Genoa, which in Strabo's time 
was the principal timber market of Italy, had by 1860 
nearly all its mountain slopes denuded. 

Before the general legislation for all Italy was 
enacted there were at least a dozen laws in operation 
in the various provinces; in Lombardy, the law of 
1811; in Naples, the law of 1826; in Rome, of 1827; 
in Umbria, of 1805; in Bologna, of 1829; in Tuscany, 
of 1829; in Piedmont, of 1833; in Sardinia, of 1851 ; etc. 
If these had been heeded much better conditions 
would have been inherited by the new kingdom. 

With the arrival of a national spirit, many schemes 
for the promotion of forestry and of forest policy 
were discussed. The academies of Florence, Milan, 
Modena, Palermo, and Pesaro offered premiums for 
reforesting of mountains, and called for popular 
treatises on silviculture, A forestry journal came 
into being, furthering the propaganda. In 1860 a 
very well written account of "Present Conditions of 
Forestry and Production of Sulphur in Sicily," a 
collection of reports, was published by Shiro. In 
1860 also, an investigation of forest conditions in 
each province was ordered by royal decree, and 

342 Italy. 

propositions for their improvement were called for, 
which led to legislative proposals, introduced in 
1862, and legislation enacted in 1863. 

The law of 1863 still treated each province inde- 
pendently: forest inspectors for each province, and for 
Naples an Inspector General, with district foresters 
and a large number of forest guards were appointed. 

Another law, applicable only to certain parts of the 
Kingdom, was enacted in 1874, intended to check the 
progress of deforestation and prevent turning waste 
woodlands into pasture; these absolute forest soils 
were to be reforested within five years. The law 
remained a dead letter, yet it is still in force in part, 
with modifications enacted in 1886. 

The final unification of the country as far as legis- 
lative unity is concerned, was completed in 1877, 
and in that year the first general forest law for all 
Italy was also enacted. 

This law, which has mainly in view the protective 
influence of forest cover as a factor in the public 
welfare, leaving all private property not falling under 
the character of protection forest entirely free, estab- 
lished provincial forest commissions — conservation 
boards — unpaid, who were to enact rules and regu- 
lations best adapted to their localities. The Board 
of Commissioners consisted of the prefect of the pro- 
vince, ex-officio president; an inspector of forests, 
the technical officer who administers the government 
property; an engineer appointed by the governor; 
and three members chosen by the provincial council; 
in addition, each communal council was to send 
one member to take part in the deliberations of 

Development of Forest Policy. 343 

the board as far as his particular commune was 

By this law the country is divided into two sections 
vertically, namely the territory above the limit of chest- 
nut, and that below this limit, the latter represent- 
ing the farming country, the territory above being 
unfit for agricultural use. To the former the restric- 
tions of the law apply as a rule {terreni soggetti al 
vincolo forestale — ban forest), to the latter, as excep- 
tion, namely where the removal of forest or brush 
cover might cause landslides, or affect stream flow 
or health conditions unfavorably. The chestnut 
limit naturally varies in different parts, but, generally 
speaking, lies between 1,800 and 2,000 feet elevation. 
The determination of these areas was to be made by 
the provincial forest committees, and it is significant 
to note that in these the State forest administration 
did not have the majority. 

The territory under restriction, was in 1887, after 
various revisions, established as comprising 7.5 million 
acres of forest and 2.5 million acres of brush and waste, 
nearly 71% of the forest area being thus placed under 
restriction; leaving 2.5 million acres of forest and over 
2 million of brush and waste outside the working of 
the law ; these latter areas are left entirely without re- 
strictions, except as general police regulations apply. 
The execution of the law and regulations is left to 
the State Forest Department with an organization 
of forest guards (some 3,000 in 1883), appointed by 
the prefect of the province with the advice of the 
forestry commission, but acting under the State 
forest administration. Their pay was to come to 

344 Italy. 

the extent of two-thirds from the communes, the other 
third from the provincial treasurer. 

In the forests placed under the law, clearing and 
agricultural use is forbidden. Fellings and cultures 
must be made under direction of the Committee. 
No compensation is made for this limitation in use 
except where hygienic influence was the basis for 
placing the forest under ban. 

If the regulations of the commissions had been 
observed to their full extent, all would have been 
well in time, but it is evident from subsequent legis- 
lative efforts that the execution of the laws was not 
what could be desired. Political exigencies required 
leniency in the application of the law. An interest- 
ing report on the results of the first quinquennium 
shows that during that time 170,000 acres were 
cleared, over 40,000 without permission, and by 1900, 
it was estimated, deforestation had taken place on 
about 5 million acres. 

Wrangling over the classification of the lands under 
ban has continued until the present, and local authori- 
ties have continued to favor private as against public 
interest, to withdraw lands from the operation, and 
to wink at disregard of the law. Moreover, rights of 
user to dead wood, pasturage (goats are by law ex- 
cluded) and other privileges continued to prevent 
improvement, although several laws to effect their 
extinction had been passed. 

The devastating floods of 1882 led to much agita- 
tion, and, upon a report of a special commission in 
1886, the law of 1874, which had obligated the com- 
munities to reforest their waste lands within five 

Development of Forest Policy. 345 

years or else to sell, was revived, extending the term 
of obligatory reforestation in the endangered sections 
to ten years. By that time, out of 800,000 acres 
originally declared as requiring reforestation, not 
more than 40,000 acres had been planted, but the 
acreage involved had also been gradually scaled down 
by the forest committees to 240,000 acres. The re- 
port, on the other hand, found that the area needing 
reboisement was at least 500,000 acres, requiring an 
expenditure of 12 million dollars. The law of 1877 
did not contemplate enforced reforestation of ban- 
forests; it sought to accomplish this by empowering 
either the Department of Agriculture or the provinces 
or the communities or special associations to expro- 
priate for the purpose of reforestation. Results were 

A revision and broadening of the law led to the 
general reboisement act of 1888,* which has in view 
the correction of torrents, fixing of mountain slopes 
and sand dunes — one of the best laws of its kind in 
existence anywhere. 

The principal features of the law are: obligatory 
reboisement of mountains and sand dunes according 
to plans, and under direction of the Department of 
Agriculture, the areas to be designated by the depart- 
ment, with approval or disapproval of the forest com- 
mittees; contribution to the extent of two-fifths 
(finally raised to two-thirds) of the expense by the 
government; expropriation where owners do not con- 
sent, or fail to carry out the work as planned; right 
to reclaim property by payment of costs and interest, 

* For details see Fer^towy in Garden and Forest, 1888, page 417. 

346 Italy, 

or else sale by government; right of the department to 
regulate and restrict pasture, but compensation to 
be paid to restricted owners; encouragement of co- 
operative planters' associations. The area to be 
reforested was estimated at somewhat over 500,000 
acres and the expense at over 7 million dollars. 

The execution of the law was not any stricter than 
before. In 1900, the Secretary of Agriculture reports 
that "the laws do not yet receive effective applica- 
tion." The difficulty of determining what is and what 
is not necessary to reforest, what is and what is not 
absolute forest soil made ostensibly the greatest 
trouble and occasioned delay, but financial incapacity 
and political influences bidding for popularity are 
probably the main cause of the inefficiency. 

Meanwhile the forest department tried to promote 
reforestation by giving premiums from its scanty 
appropriation and distributing from its 130 acres 
of nurseries, during the years from 1867 to 1899, some 
46 million plants and over 500 pounds of seed, and 
furnishing advice free of charge. 

In 1897, again a commission was instituted to 
formulate new legislation. This commission reported 
in 1902, declaring that all accessible forests were more 
or less devastated, accentuating the needs of water 
management, and proposing a more rigorous definition 
of ban forests, a strict supervision of communal forests, 
and the management of private properties under 
working plans by accredited foresters or else under 
direct control of the forest department, the foresters 
to be paid by the State, which is to recover from the 
owners. It was found that in the past 35 years of 

Hygiene Influences. 347 

the 125,000 acres needing reforestation urgently only 
58,300 acres had been planted at an expense of 

In 1910, conditions seem not to have much im- 
proved, for again a vigorous attempt at re-organization 
and improvement on the law of 1877 was made by 
the Minister of Agriculture; so far without result. 

It is to be noted that Italy is perhaps the only 
country where forest influence on health conditions 
was legally recognized, by the laws of 1877 and 1888. 
The belief that deforestation of the maremnae, the 
marshy lowlands between Pisa and Naples, had pro- 
duced the malarial fever which is rampant here, led 
the Trappist monks of the cloister at Tre Fontane to 
make plantations of Eucalyptus (84,000) beginning 
in 1870, the State assisting by cessions of land for the 
purpose. A commission, appointed to investigate 
the results, in 1881, threw doubt on the effectiveness 
of the plantation, finding the observed change in 
health conditions due to improvement of drainage; 
and lately, the mosquito has been recognized as the 
main agency in propagating the fever. The new pro- 
positions, however, did not any more recognize this 
claimed influence as a reason for public intervention. 
Incidentally it may be stated that to two Italians is 
due the credit of having found the true cause of salu- 
briousness of forest air, namely in the absence of 
pathogenic bacteria. 

3. Education and Literature. 

The first forest school was organized by Balestrieri, 
who had studied in Germany, at the Agricultural 

348 Italy. 

School near Turin about 1848, transferred to the 
Technical Institute in Turin in 1851. This school con- 
tinued until 1869, and from 1863 on, had been recog- 
nized by the State, assuring its graduates employ- 
ment in State service. In 1869, the State established 
a forest school of its own {Institute Forestale) at 
Vallambrosa near Florence, with a three years' course 
(since 1886, four years) and, in 1900, with eleven 
professors and 40 students. In spite of the State sub- 
vention of $8,500, it appears that some peculiar econo- 
mies are necessary, for owing to the absence of stoves 
the school is closed from Nov. 1 to March 1. In spite 
of the existence of this school, the State Service is 
recruited also from men who have not passed through 
this school. 

The legislative propositions brought forward in 
1910 also provide for transfer of this school to 
Florence, leaving only the experiment station in 
Vallambrosa, and also for raising the standard of 
instruction. At the same time, how^ever, there was 
at the old institution ordered a "rush course" to be 
finished in 15 months, since it appeared that not 
enough foresters were in existence to carry out the 
proposed re-organization. 

In 1905, a school of silviculture for forest guards was 
instituted in Cittaducale, the course being 9 months. 

Besides the technical school at Vallambrosa, agri- 
cultural schools have chairs of forestry or arbori- 
culture, as for instance the Royal school at Portici. 
As an educational feature, the introduction of Arbor 
Day, in 1902, la festa dei alberi, should also be men- 

Literature and Associations. 349 

The existence of a forest school naturally produces 
a literature. While a considerable number of popular 
booklets attempt the education of the people, who are 
the owners of the forest, there is no absence of pro- 
fessional works. Among these should be mentioned 
Di Berenger's Selvicoltura, a very complete work, 
which also contains a brief history of forestry in the 
Orient, Greece and Italy. G. Carlos Siemoni's Manuele 
d'arte forestale (1864), and the earlier Scienza selvana 
by Tondi (1829) are encyclopedias of inferior quality. 

In 1859, R. Maffei, a private forester, began to 
publish the Revista forestale del regno d' Italia, an annual 
review, for the purpose of popularizing forestry in 
Italy, afterwards changed into a monthly, which 
continued for some time under subventions from the 

A number of propagandist forestry associations 
were formed at various times, publishing leaflets or 
journals, one of these L'Alpe, a monthly, in 1902. 
In 1910, the two leading societies combined into a 
federation Pro montibus ed enti affini, merging also 
the Rivista forestale italiana with UAlpe, which serves 
both propagandist and professional needs. 


"Poor Spain" is the expression which comes to the 
lips of everybody who contemplates the economic 
conditions of this once so powerful nation, almost 

Revista de Monies, a. semi-official journal, established in 1877, is the best source. 

El Manuel de Legislacion y Administracion Forestal, by HiLARiO Ruiz, and 
Novisima Legislacion Forestal, by Del Campo, 1901, elaborate the complicated 
legislation up to 1894. 

350 Spain. 

the ruler of the world. Once, under the beneficent 
dominion of the Saracens, a paradise where, as a 
Roman author puts it, "Nil otiosum, nihil sterile 
in Hispania," it has become almost a desert through 
neglect, indolence, ignorance, false pride, lack of com- 
munal spirit, despotism of church, and misrule by a 
corrupt bureaucracy. 

With the exception of a narrow belt along the sea- 
shore, the whole of the Iberian peninsula is a vast high 
mesa, plateau or tableland, 1,500 to 3,000 feet above 
sea level, traversed by lofty mountain chains, or 
sierras, five or six in number, running parallel to each 
other, mainly in a westerly and southwesterly direc- 
tion. These divide the plateau into as many plains, 
treeless, and for the most part, arid, exposed to cold 
blasts in winter, and burning up in summer. They 
are frequently subjected to severe droughts, which 
sometimes have lasted for months, bringing desolation 
to country and people. The rivers, as they usually 
do in such countries similar to our arid plains, form 
canons and arroyos, and, being uncertain in their 
water stages, none of them are navigable although 
hundreds of miles long, but useful for irrigation, on 
which agriculture relies. The great mineral wealth 
had made Spain the California of the Carthaginians 
and Romans, and it is still its most valuable resource. 

Dicionaro Hispano-Americano, 1893, contains an article {monies) on the ad- 
ministrative practice of the forest laws. 

A Year in Spain, by a j'oung' American (Slidell) 1829, gives an excellent 
account of physical conditions of the country and character of the people at that 

Das Moder7ie Geisieslehen in Spanien, 1883, and KxdturgeschichtUche und 
Wirtschaftspolitische Betrachtungen, 1901, by GusTAV Dierks, details character 
of institutions and people. 

Political Development. 351 

Spain awakened to civilization through the visits 
of Phoenicians and Carthaginians followed by the 
Romans. During the first centuries of the Christian 
era there occurred one of the several periods of ex- 
treme prosperity, when a supposed population of 40 
million exploited the country. After the dark days 
of the Gothic domination, a second period of pros- 
perity was attained for the portion which came under 
the sway of the industrious and intelligent Moors or 
Saracens (711 to 1,000 A.D.) who made the desert 
bloom, and whose irrigation works are still the main- 
stay of agriculture at present. Centuries of warfare 
and carnage to re-establish Christian kingdoms still 
left the country rich, when, in 1479, the several king- 
doms were united into one under Ferdinand and 
Isabella, and the Moors were finally driven out alto- 
gether (1492). This kingdom persisted in the same 
form to the present time with only a short period as 
a republic (1873). Spain was among the first coun- 
tries to have a constitution. 

After the Conquest of the Moors, and with the dis- 
covery of America, again a period of prosperity set in 
for the then 20 million people, but, through oppression 
by State and Church (Inquisition), which also led to 
the expulsion of the Jews and large emigration to 
America, the prosperity of the country was des- 
troyed, the population reduced to 10 million in 1800, 
and the conditions of character and government 
created which are the cause of its present desolation. 
Since the beginning of the century, the population has 
increased to near 18 million, but financial bankruptcy 
keeps the government inefficient and unable to 

352 Spain. 

accomplish reforms even if the people would let it 
have its way. 

1. Forest Conditions. 

It has been a matter of speculation whether Spain 
was, or was not, once heavily wooded (see page 11). 
In Roman times, only the Province of La Manca is 
reported as being unforested, and, in the 13th and 14th 
centuries, extensive forest zones are still recorded. 
The character of the country at present, and the 
climate, both resembling so much our own arid plains, 
make it questionable to what extent the forest descen- 
ded from the mountain ranges, which were undoubt- 
tedly well wooded. 

At present the forest is mainly confined to the 
higher mountains. The best is to be found in the 
Pyrenees and their continuation, the Cantabrian 

The area of actual forest (bosques) is not known 
with precision, since in the official figures mere poten- 
tial forest, i.e., brush and waste land, is included 
(mantes), and the area varies, i.e., diminishes through 
new clearings, of which the statistics do not keep 
account. Moreover, the statistics refer only to the 
"public forests," leaving out the statement of private 
forest areas, if any. 

In 1859, this area was reported as over 25 million 
acres or 20 per cent, of the land area (196,000 square 
miles) ; in 1885, the acreage had been reduced to about 
17.5 million acres; and, in 1900, about 16 million acres, 
or 13 per cent, of the land area remained as public 

Forest Conditions. 353 

forest, and the total was estimated at somewhat over 
20 million acres. 

The following peculiar classification, published in 
1874, gives (in round figures) at once an insight into 
the meaning of monies, and the probable condition of 
the "public forest" area: 

State Reserves 865,000 

Salable State Property 4,550,000 

Public Institute Forest 20,000 

Communal Forest 9,860,000 

Open Commons for Wood and Pasture 1,880,000 

Common Pasture for Draft Animals 425,000 

Total 17,600,000 

An estimate of the actual forest (timber and cop- 
pice), does not exceed 12 million acres for a popula- 
tion of 18 million, or .7 acres per capita. The latest 
official figures claim as State property around 600,000 
acres, and municipal institutional property 11.5 
million acres; these constituting the public forests. 
According to official classification, these public forests 
are to the extent of 5.3 million acres high forest, 3 
million coppice, the balance brushwoods. 

In spite of this evident lack of wood material, ex- 
cept for firewood or charcoal, the importations in 
1903 did not exceed 13.5 million dollars, accentuating 
the absence of industrial development. The official 
statement of imports reports 6.5 million dollars 
more than the above figure, but this includes horses 
and cattle enumerated as forest products — products 

354 Spain. 

of the "montes." These also figure in the exporta- 
tions of 15 milHon dollars, which to the extent of one- 
half consists of cork (some 5 million dollars from 
630,000 acres) and tanbark, while chestnuts, filberts 
and esparto furnish the balance. In 1908, the im- 
ports of lumber and staves alone amounted to 

In 1882, all the public forests produced from wood 
sales only $900,000, but the value of the products 
taken by rights of user was estimated at nearly twice 
that amount. In 1910, the average income of the 
forest service was reported as having averaged for 
the decade in the neighborhood of 2 million dollars, 
and the expense approximately 1 million, a net yield 
of about 30 cents per acre on the area involved re- 
sulting, the total cut being 5.7 million cubic feet 

The forest flora and its distribution is very similar 
to that of Italy, and is described fully in two volumes 
prepared by a special commission appointed for this 

2. Development of Forest Policy. 

Spain is noted for its comprehensive legislation 
without execution; it is also known that official re- 
ports are rarely trustworthy, so that what appears 
on paper is by no means always found in reality, 
hence all statements must be accepted with reser- 

The forest laws of Spain are somewhat similar to 
those of Italy, yet show less appreciation of the needs 
of technical forest culture. The value of forest re- 

Early Legislation. 355 

sources and need of economy in their use was, indeed, 
recognized early. Recommendations for their con- 
servative use are recorded from the 13th century on. 
An ordinance of Pedro I, in 1351, imposed heavy fines 
upon forest destroyers. Ferdinand V, in 1496, ex- 
pressed alarm at the progressing devastation, and, 
in 1518, we find a system of forest guards established, 
and even ordinances ordering reforestation of waste 
lands, which were again and again repeated during 
the century. In 1567 and 1582, notes of alarm at the 
continuing destruction prove that these ordinances 
had no effect. The same complaints and fears are 
expressed by the rulers during the 17th and 18th 
centuries, without any effective action. In 1748, 
Ferdinand VI placed all forests under government 
supervision, but in 1812, the Cortes of Cadiz, under 
the influence of the spirit of the French Revolution, 
rescinded these orders and abolished all restrictions. 

An awakening to the absolute necessity of action 
seems not to have arrived until about 1833, when a 
law was enacted and an ordinance issued, at great 
length defining the meaning of "montes," and in- 
stituting in the Corps of Civil Engineers a forest 
inspection. At the same time, a special school was 
to be established in Madrid. This last proposition 
does not seem to have materialized, for, in 1840, we 
find that several young men were sent to the forest 
school at Tharandt (Germany). 

No doubt, under the influence of these men on their 
return, backed by La Sociedad Econoniica of Madrid, 
a commission to formulate a forest law was instituted 
in 1846, and in the same year, carrying out ordinances 


356 Spain. 

of 1835 and 1843, a forest school was established at 
Villaviciosa de Odon, later (1869) transferred to the 
Escurial near Madrid. This school, under semi- 
military organization, first with a three-year, later a 
four-year, course, and continually improved and en- 
larged in its curriculum (one Director and 13 pro- 
fessors in 1900), is the pride of the Spanish foresters, 
to all appearances deservedly so. It was organized 
after German models by Bernardo della Torre Royas 
as first Director. 

The creation of a forest department, however, 
Cuerpo de Monies, had to wait until 1853. This 
department, under the Minister of Public Works 
(now under the Minister of Agriculture), is a close 
corporation made up of the graduates of the school 
as Ingenieros de Monies, acceptance into which is 
based upon graduation and four years' service in the 
forest department as assistants besides the perform- 
ance of some meritorious work. The school stands 
in close relation to the department service. 

The first work of the new administration was a 
general forest survey to ascertain conditions, and 
especially to determine which of the public forests, 
under the laws of 1855 and 1859, it was desirable to 
retain. The investigation showed that there was 
more forest (defined as in the above classification) 
than had been supposed, but that it was in even 
worse condition than had been known. The public 
forests, i.e., those owned by the State, the communi- 
ties and public institutions, were divided into three 
classes according to the species by which formed, 
which was the easiest way of determining their loca- 

State Forests. 357 

tion as regards altitude, and their public value ; namely, 
the coniferous forest and deciduous oak and chestnut 
forests, which were declared inalienable; the forests 
of ash, alder, willow, etc., naturally located in the 
lower levels, therefore without interest to the state, 
which were declared salable; and an intermediate 
third class composed of cork oak and evergreen oak, 
whose status as to propriety of sale was left in doubt. 
In 1862, a revision of this classification left out this 
doubtful class, adding it and the forest areas of the 
first class which were not at least 250 acres in extent 
to the salable property. The first class, which was 
to be reserved, was found to comprise nearly 17 
million acres (of which 1.2 million was owned by the 
State), while the salable property was found to be 
about half that area. 

Ever since, a constant wrangle and commotion has 
been kept up regarding the classification, and re- 
peated attempts, sometimes successful, have been 
made by one faction, usually led by the Minister of 
Finance, to reduce the public forest area {desamortiza- 
doro), opposed by another faction under the lead of 
the forest administration, which was forced again and 
again to re-classify. In 1883, the alienable public 
forest area was by decree placed under he Minister 
of Finance, the inalienable part remaining under the 
Minister of Public Works (Fomento); very much the 
same as it was in the United States until recently. 
The public debt and immediate financial needs of 
the corporations gave the incentive for desiring the 
disposal of forest property, and, to satisfy this demand, 
it was ordered, in 1878, that all receipts from the 

358 Spain. 

State property and 20 per cent of the receipts from 
communal forests were to be applied towards the 
extinguishment of the debt. 

The ups and downs in this struggle to keep the 
public forests intact were accentuated on the one hand 
by the pressing needs of taking care of the debt, on 
the other hand by drought and flood. Thus, in 1874, 
the sale in annual instalments of over 4.5 million 
acres in the hands of the Minister of Finance was 
ordered, but the floods of the same year were so dis- 
astrous, (causing 7 million dollars damage, 760 deaths, 
28,000 homeless), being followed by successive 
droughts, that a reversion of sentiment was experi- 
enced, which led to the enactment of a reboisement 
law in 1877. This law, having in view better manage- 
ment of communal properties, ordered with all sorts 
of unnecessary technical details, the immediate re- 
forestation of all waste land in the public forests, 
creating for that purpose a corps of 400 cultivators 
{capatacas de cultivos). To furnish the funds for this 
work the communities were to contribute 10 per cent, 
of the value of the forest products they sold or were 
entitled to. But funds were not forthcoming, and, 
by 1895, under this law only 21,000 acres had been 
reforested (three-fourths by sowing). 

The financial results of the management of the 
public forests, although the forest department probably 
did the best it could under the circumstances, had, 
indeed, not been reassuring. In 1861, a deficit of 
$26,000 was recorded; in 1870, $600,000 worth of 
material was sold, 1.3 million dollars worth given 
away, and $700,000 worth destroyed. Altogether, by 

State Administration. 359 

fire and theft, it was estimated that 15 per cent, of the 
production was lost. In 1885, this loss was esti- 
mated at 25 per cent., when the net income had at- 
tained to 15 cents per acre, or, on the 17.5 million 
acres to less than three million dollars. 

When it is considered that the governors of pro- 
vinces and their appointees, besides the village autho- 
rities, had also a hand in the administration, it is no 
wonder that the forest department was pretty nearly 
helpless. While, under the law of 1863, the depart- 
ment was specially ordered to regulate the manage- 
ment of communal forests and to gauge the cut to the 
increment, the political elements in the administration, 
which appointed the forest guards, made the regula- 
tions mostly nugatory. 

At last, in 1900, a new era seems to have arrived, a 
thorough reorganization was made, which lends hope 
for a better future. The technical administration was 
divorced from the political influence and placed under 
the newly created Minister of Agriculture. The 
machinery of the Cuerpo de M antes was remodeled. 
This consists now of one Chief Inspector-General, 
four Division Chiefs, ten Inspectors-General for field 
inspection, 50 chief engineers of district managers, 
185 assistants, and 342 foresters and guards, the latter 
now appointed by the department, instead of the 
Governors, and not all, as formerly, chosen from vete- 
ran soldiers. The better financial showing referred 
to above was the result. 

In 1910, a special reboisement service, the Servicio 
Hidrological Forestal, was also placed on a new footing, 
the country being divided into ten districts for this 

360 ^ Spain, 

purpose, and an engineer placed in charge of each. 
But from a statement that, in 1910, of some 300,000 
acres planned to be recovered only 31,000 had been 
completed it may be inferred that financial difficulties 
still retard the work. 

Private forests, which had been without any inter- 
ference, were, in 1908, placed under government 
control so far as located within a defined protective 
zone {zona protectora dasocratica) . Such must be 
managed under plans provided by the Forest Service, 
and in case of refusal on the part of owners expro- 
priation proceedings are provided, but the money for 
taking advantage of this provision would probably 
not be in the Treasury. Indeed, according to Pro- 
fessor Miguel del Campo at the Escurial forest school, 
results so far are nil. 

Since 1896, popular education is attempted through 
Arbor days, various associations fostering the idea; 
in 1904, La Fiesta del Arbol was made a national holi- 
day, and premiums are distributed for plantations 
made on that day. 

The Revista de Monies, a semi-ofhcial monthly 
journal, began its publication in 1877, and serves the 
purpose of propaganda, as well as the professional 
needs. A considerable book literature is also de- 


The small kingdom which occupies the west coast 
of the Iberian peninsula, with 34,000 square miles 
and 6 million people, is in many respects similar to 
Spain, except that a larger portion is fertile, being 

Portugal. 361 

situated in the literal region, the climate less excessive, 
and the people somewhat more enterprising. Not 
much more than one-half of the country, however, 
is utilized; nearly 15,000 square miles being waste. 

Three sections^or zones are recognized, the northern, 
bounding on Spain which is mainly mountainous but 
also contains extensive sand dunes, is the best wooded ; 
the central, which is hilly and less well wooded, con- 
tains (in Estremadura and Beira) one of the most 
desolate regions of Europe and at the same time the 
best managed forest; the southern, the richest in farm 
lands, with semi-tropic climate and flora, the zone of 
evergreen broadleaf flora. 

About 10% of the land area, or 4 million acres are 
under forest, although 2 million more are wooded 
with olive, fig, almond plantations, or open wood- 
lands and brushwood. Of the actual forest area the 
State owns only 82,000 acres, 30,000 of which re- 
forested areas or sand dunes in process of recovery. 

The composition is nearly one-half of pine {Pinus 
maritima and pinea), one-fifth, cork oak "with 
pastures," a little over one-fifth, other evergreen oaks 
"with pastures," and the balance, chestnut and 
deciduous oaks. 

The fact of the extensive private ownership and the 
reference to the pastures in the enumeration of forest 
areas suffice to give an idea of the condition of most 

A pamphlet written for the International Exposition at Rio de Janeiro in 1908, 
contains a chapter written by a forester, Borg-es, which gives most recent and 
authentic information. 

Besides notes scattered through the literature, an article by L. Pardee, a 
French botanist, in Revue des Eaux et Forets, 1911, gives an extensive description 
of forest conditions and especially of the forest of Leira. 

362 Portugal 

of them. The oak forest is also to a large extent still 
used for hog raising. 

Besides the native forest areas, there are in exist- 
ence a number of parks and plantations of exotics, 
the climate of Portugal in parts resembling that of 
California and permitting a wide range of introduc- 
tions, even tropical. There is perhaps nowhere such 
a good opportunity of seeing the most varied forest 
flora in fine development as the forest parks of Mont- 
serrate, of Bussaco, and in the various botanical 

Extensive Eucalyptus and Acacia plantations, 
some 1500 acres, of high economical value, near 
Abrantes, are the enterprise of a private landowner, 
W. C. Tait. 

The deficiency of wood supplies is covered by an 
importation of about 1.5 million dollars against which 
there is an export of a little over half a million, mainly 
cooperage stock. The best developed forest industry 
is the growing of cork giving rise to an export of 
around 5 million dollars. A considerable naval store 
production is also developed. 

The first attempt at a real management of the 
State's property dates from 1868; a regular organiz- 
ation, however, did not take place until 1872, when, 
under the Director-General of Commerce and Indus- 
tries, a forest administrator with a technical staff of 
three division chiefs, corresponding to the three 
sections of country, and six forestmasters were 

At present, the staff of the Inspector consists of 

A dministration . 363 

8 technically educated assistants, each in charge of 
some branch of service. Under these, there are a 
number of field agents or supervisors (some 14 in 
1903) with less education, and underforesters and 

The only really well managed forest, the pride of 
the Portuguese foresters, is the forest of Leiria in 
Estremadura, a planted pinery of about 25,000 acres, 
on which over 50 men of various grades are employed, 
with naval store distilleries, impregnating works, and 
saw mills. Its management (in natural seed tree 
system) dates from 1892. 

Besides attending to the management of the State 
forests, a committee composed of the administrator 
and some of the technical stafT, were to examine the 
country and decide what parts needed reforestation. 
As a result of a very full report, in 1882, a reboisement 
law was enacted under which some of the sand dunes 
were fixed. 

In 1903, a more thorough organization of this work 
took place, which, with liberal appropriations, pro- 
mises more rapid progress. 

This law recognizes two ways of placing private 
property under a forestry regime, namely obligatory 
and facultative or voluntary. Territory in the moun- 
tains and on dunes may if deemed by the superior 
Agricultural Council as requiring it from the point of 
view of public utility be placed under the regime by 
royal decree. Or else private owners may ask to 
have their properties so placed, either merely securing 
police protection, obligating themselves to keep the 
property wooded, or working under a working plan 

364 Portugal. 

or reforestation plan provided by the Forest Service. 

In either case the owner is obliged to pay the guards 
and at the rate of about 2 cents per acre for the work- 
ing plans. Planting material is furnished free or at 
cost price, and exemption from taxes for 20 years 
is granted for reforested lands. Expropriation of 
waste lands declared as of public interest is provided, if 
owners object to enforced reforestation. Some 
275,000 acres have so far been placed under the forestry 

There are provisions for forestry education in the 
School of Agriculture at Lisbon, or the education 
for the higher positions in the forest service may be 
secured at German or French forest schools, and some 
have secured it at Vallambrosa. 


It is a remarkable fact that the nation which can 
boast of the most extensive forest department in one 
of her colonies, has at home not yet been able to come 
to an intelligent conception even, not to speak of 
application, of proper forest policy or forest economy. 

One of the English authorities on the subject writes 
still in 1900: "With so much land of poor quality 
lying uncultivated in many parts of the British Isles, 
the apathy shown towards forestry in Britain is one 
of the things that it is impossible to understand." 

If we should venture to seek for an explanation, we 
would find it in geographical and physical conditions, 
but still more in personal and political characteristics, 
historically developed, such as also in the United 
States make progress of forestry slower than it would 
otherwise be. 

Due to her insular position with which in part the 

Historical Inquiries concerning Forests and Forest Laivs, by Perciv' al Lewis. 
1811, gives a full account of the practices in the old ban forests. 

English Forests and Forest Trees, 1853, anonymous, gives an interesting 
account of the old ' forests ' and their history. 

Our Forests and fVoodlands, by John Nisbet, 1900, has a chapter on the 
historical development of forest laws. 

Wm. Schlich, Manual of Forestry, vol. I, 3d ed., 1906, brings in convenient 
form an account of conditions in various parts of the British Empire. 

ScHWAPPACH, Forstliche Zustajide in England, Zeitschrift fur Forst und 
Jagdwesen, 1903, is an account of forest conditions from the pen of a practical 

B. RiBBENTROP, Forestry in India, 1900. Also various reports ot the fores' 
pepartments of the various British Colonies. 

366 Great Britain. 

development of her naval supremacy is connected, 
England can readily supply her needs by importations. 
Situated within the influence of the Gulf stream, the 
climate is much milder than her northern location 
would indicate, and is in no respect excessive. The 
topography is mostly gentle, except in Scotland and 
Wales, and the overflow even all the year. Hence the 
absence of forestcover has not been felt in its physical 

Britons, Picts, Scots, Scandinavians, Anglo-Saxons 
and Normans are the elements which have amalga- 
mated to make the English people. Through endless 
warfare and political struggle the three countries, 
England, Scotland and Ireland had, by the year 1600, 
come under one ruler, although final legislative union 
with Scotland did not take place until 1707, and with 
Ireland not until 1800. 

Theoretically, forming a constitutional monarchy, 
practically, an aristocracy with republican tendencies, 
the history of the islands has been a struggle, first to 
establivsh race supremacy, then to secure the ascend- 
ency of the nobility and landholders over the king 
and the commoners, in which the former have been 
more successful than the barons in other parts of 

Politically, the Englishman is an individualist, 
jealous of his private interests and unwilling to submit 
to government interference for the public welfare. 
Hence, State forestry, which is finally the only solu- 
tion of the forestry problem, appears objectionable. 
Commercial and industrial enterprise rather than 
economic development appeals to him; the practical 

Forest Conditions. 367 

issue of the day rather than demands of a future and 
systematic preparation for the same occupy his mind. 
He lacks, as Mr. Roseberry points out, scientific 
method, and hence is wasteful. Moreover, he is con- 
servative and self-satisfied beyond the citizens of 
any other nation, hence if all the wisdom of the world 
point new ways, he will still cling to his accustomed 
ones. In the matter of having commissions appointed 
to investigate and report, and leaving things to con- 
tinue in unsatisfactory condition he reminds one of 
Spanish dilatoriness. These would appear to us the 
reasons for the difficulty which the would-be reformers 
experience in bringing about economic reforms. 

1. Forest Conditions. 

Caesar's and Strabo's descriptions agree that Great 
Britain was a densely wooded country. The forest 
area seems to have been reduced much less through 
long-continued use, than through destruction by fire 
and pasture, and by subsequent formation of moors, 
so that it is now, excepting that of Portugal, the 
smallest of any European nation in proportion to 
total area, and, excepting that of Holland, in pro- 
portion to population. 

Of the 121,380 square miles, which Great Britain 
and Ireland represent, less than 4 per cent., or 3 
million acres, (880,000 in Scotland, 303,000 in Ireland) 
are forested, one-fourteenth of an acre per capita; 
but there are nearly 33% of waste lands, namely over 
12 million acres of heaths, moors and other waste 
lands capable of forest growth, and another 12 million 
acres partly or doubtfully so, while the agricultural 

368 Great Britain. 

land in crops and pasture comprises about 48 million 
acres. The waste areas re-forested, it is believed, 
could meet the consumption now supplied by impor- 
tations. Notably in Scotland, extensive heaths and 
moors of many hundred square miles in the Northern 
Highlands and the Grampian mountains — well wooded 
in olden times, the woods having been eradicated 
supposedly for strategic reasons — are now without 
farms or forests, and are mainly used for shooting 
preserves. In the last thirty years, the land under 
tillage has continuously decreased, and now repre- 
sents less than 25 per cent, of the whole land area, 
grasslands occupying 38 per cent. 

The agricultural land as well as the mountain and 
heath lands, are to the largest extent owned by large 
proprietors (in 1876, 11,000 persons owned 72 per 
cent, of the total area of the British Islands). With 
the exception of 67,000 acres of crownlands, the entire 
forest area is owned privately, and that mostly by 
large landed proprietors, there being no communal 
ownership, except that the municipality of London 
owns a forest area (Epping Forest) devoted to plea- 
sure, and the Water Board of Liverpool has begun 
to plant some of its catchment basins. 

Practically the entire wood supply is imported, and 
the rate of importation is rapidly increasing. While 
in 1864 it was 3.4 million tons, in 1892, 7.8 million 
tons worth 92 million dollars; in 1899, 10 million 
tons and 125 miUion dollars; in 1902, it had grown to 
138 million dollars, and in 1906 to 141 million (700 
million cubic feet) in which $7.4 million of wood 
manufactures, against which an export of $19 million 

Imports. 369 

mainly wood manufactures, must be offset. This 
makes England the largest wood importer in the world, 
Germany coming next, and the amount paid to other 
countries exceeds the value of her pig iron output. 
Nearly 90 per cent, of the import is coniferous material, 
from Sweden, Russia and Canada. The home product, 
mostly oak ties, mineprops, etc., satisfies about one- 
sixth of the consumption. In addition to timber and 
lumber, over 10 million dollars of wood pulp, and 60 
million dollars of by-products are imported. The 
total wood consumption per capita is between 12 
and 14 cubic feet, half of what it was 50 years ago. 

Pine is the only native conifer of timber value, and 
oak is the most important native deciduous tree, 
found mostly in coppice or in old, overmature, strag- 
gling pasture woods. Compact larger forest areas 
are entirely absent, but there are many small planta- 
tions and parks. For, while Englishmen have not 
been foresters, they have been active treeplanters, 
and the mild climate has permitted the introduction 
of many exotics, especially American conifers. Most 
of these plantings have been for park and game pur- 
poses. The most noted forest plantations are found 
in Scotland, among them the larch plantations of the 
Duke of Athole (begun in 1728), of at one time over 
10,000 acres, the ducal woodlands now covering 
over 20,000 acres; the pinery of 25,000 acres, belonging 
to the Countess of Sealfield, the best managed forest 
property, partly in natural regeneration, and others. 
But these plantations too are mostly widely spaced 
and trimmed, hence not producing timber of much 

370 Great Britain. 

value, so that timber of British production is usually- 
ruled out by architects. 

2. Development of Forest Policies. 

The Saxons and Normans were primarily hunters, 
and this propensity to the chase has impressed itself 
upon their forest treatment into modern times. 

The Teutonic Saxons undoubtedly brought with 
them the feudal and communal institutions of the 
Germans, under which territory for the king's special 
pleasure in the chase was set aside as 'forest', and 
this exclusive right and privilege was on other terri- 
tory extended to the vassals, while the commoners 
were excluded from the exercise of hunting privileges 
on these grounds. 

The Normans not only increased the lands under 
'ban', but they increased also in a despotic manner 
the penalties and punishments for infraction of the 
forest laws, and enforced them more stringently than 
was done on the continent. The feudal system was 
developed to its utmost. Besides 'forests' in which 
the king alone had exclusive rights, and in which a 
code of special laws, administered under special courts, 
was applied, there were set aside 'chases', hunting 
reserves without the pale of the forest laws; 'parks', 
smaller, enclosed hunting grounds; and 'warrens', 
privileged by royal grant or prescription as preserves 
for small game. Whole villages were wiped out, or 
lived almost in bondage to satisfy this taste for sport. 
In the 'forests', of which in Elizabeth's time not less 
than 75 distinct ones were enumerated, withdrawing 
an immense area from free use, both 'vert' and 'veni- 

Ban Forests and Forest Laws. 371 

son', — wood and game, — belonged to the king; a host 
of officers, — stewards, verderers, foresters, regarders, 
agistors, woodwards, — exercised police duties, and 
oppressed and ground the people by extortions, while 
special courts, — 'woodmote', 'swainmote', 'court of 
justice seat', — enforced the savage and cruel laws. 
The first of these laws was supposed to date from 
Canute the Great, in 1016, but was eventually found 
to be a forgery perpetrated by William I in order to 
lend historical color to his assertion of 'forest' 

A partial reduction of forests, and a modification 
of the cruelty and unreasonableness of the laws was 
obtained by the Charta de Foresta, in 1225, which 
formulated the laws into a code, and again by the 
Forest Ordinance of 1306. But not until 1483, under 
Edward IV, were the people living within 'forests' 
permitted to cut and sell timber, and to fence in for 
seven years portions of the reserved territory. The 
last territory was 'afforested', i.e., withdrawn for 
purposes of the chase, under Henry VIII, but he had 
to secure the consent of the freeholders. The Long 
Parliament, in 1641, stopped at least the extension of 
forests, and modified the application of the laws to a 
more reasonable degree. 

The forest laws are still on the statutes, but have 
fallen into desuetude; the last 'forest court of justice 
seat' was held under Charles I. The 'forests' them- 
selves have also almost entirely vanished, some being 
abolished as late as Queen Victoria's time, by act of 
parliament, but the last action under the ' forest laws ' 
was had in 1862 when the Duke of Athole tried to 




reft : XA^herein is declared not onely 

thofo LayoeSf as they are no'So in force , hut alfo the ori^ 
ginail and beginning of ForcOs ; And what aForcftisin 
his ownc proper nature, and wherein the fame doth dif- 
fer from a Chafe, a Parke, or a W.iircn,\vithall fuch 

•hmgs as are incidcn- .t bcl.)ni;ii'-i)ierc mtc-, with 
ilicir lirucra!! propit learnitjul Ait. 


Pooraileejdec bring what Pourallcc is, how the 

famefiril began, whata PourallcciTian may do , how he may hiuic 
andyfehis ovvne Pourallcc, how Farre he may purfue and fol- 
low after lui chafe, together with the hmitsand bounds, aj 
vvtllof thcForeft,a> tlia Pourallcc. 

Co!!edcd,aswclloiitofthc Common Lawesand 

St&iutesofthu U»d, As alfo out of fundm learned aftnaent k^U* 

thors, snd out of the Afllfcs of Pjckcrinj and Lancaftcr, 

by loHN Man WOOD. 

Whereunto are added the Statutes of the Forefi^a Tre^ 

ilk ofthc fcucrail offices of Vcrdcrors, Rcgardors^and Fore- 

flsrs,& the Courts of Attachments,S wanimote,&: luftice feat 

ofthc Forcft^ and ccrtainc piincipall Cafes, ludgcmcnu, 

and Entries ofthc Afilfes of Pickering and Lan^ 

eafler : ncuct Iier:toforc printed ior 

the piibliciue 


Printed for thcSocicticof Sfationcrs, 

Cum Triuilegio. ■ 

Facsimile of Title page of Manwood's celebrated volume. 
(Original, the property of Mr. Joly de Lotbini^re). 

Early Interest in Forestry, 373 

establish his right as 'forester' for the crown. A 
full account of the forest laws is contained in Man- 
wood's volume, the title page of which is here re- 

In Scotland the same usages and laws existed, only 
very much less rigorously enforced, until, in 1681, the 
extension of 'forests' was discontinued by parliamen- 
tary act. 

It will be understood that the term forest did only 
distantly refer to woodland and that no economic 
policy had anything to do with the laws. Only inci- 
dentally was forest growth protected and preserved 
for the sake of the chase — the same medieval policy 
which still largely animates the forest policy of the 
State of New York. 

The woods outside the 'forests', which had mainly 
served for the raising of hogs, and for domestic needs, 
experienced at various times unusual reduction by 
fire. General Monk, among others, laid waste large 
areas on the Scottish borderland in Cromwell's time. 

The first serious inroads by extensive fellings occur- 
red under Edward III in the first half of the 14th 
century to enrich the treasury for the French wars. 
Again, Henry VIII in the 16th century, when he 
seized the church properties for his own use, turned 
them into cash. A hundred years later, James I 
reduced the forest area, especially in Ireland, by his 
colonization schemes. Yet both, Henry VIII and 
James I, are on record as encouraging forest planting 
for utility. Charles I, James' successor, always in 
need of cash, alienated many of the crown forests, 
and turned them into cash, besides extorting money 

374 Great Britain. 

through the forest courts. During the Revolution, 
beginning in 1642, and during Cromwell's reign a 
licentious devastation of the confiscated or mortgaged 
noblemen's woods took place. 

Finally, under Charles II, the needs for the royal 
navy forced attention to the reduction of wood sup- 
plies, and as a result of the agitation to encourage the 
growth of timber, a member of the newly formed 
Royal Society was deputed to prepare an essay, 
which, published in 1662, has become the classic work 
of English forest literature, namely John Evelyn's 
Sylva, or "^ Discourse of Forest Trees,'' which has 
experienced eleven editions. It should, however, be 
mentioned that an earlier writer, whom Evelyn often 
quotes, Tuffer, before the reign of Elizabeth, in 1526, 
published his "Five Hundred Points of Husbandry," 
a versification in which treeplanting received atten- 
tion. Ever since that time, periodically and spas- 
modically, the question of forestry has been agitated, 
without much serious result. 

From 1775 to 1781, the Society of Arts In London 
offered gold medals and prizes for treeplanting, and 
in the beginning of the 19th century a revival of arbori- 
cultural interest was experienced, perhaps as a result 
of an interesting report by the celebrated Admiral 
Nelson on the mismanagement of the forest of Dean, 
concern for naval timber giving the incentive, in which 
he recommended the planting of oak for Investment. 

At that time, a Surveyor-General, with an insuffi- 
cient force, was in charge of the crown forests. In 
1809, the management was placed under a board of 
three Commissioners, one of whom being a member 

State Forests. 375 

of the parliament was to be changed with the adminis- 
tration. Under this management, graft became so 
rampant that, in 1848, a committee of the House of 
Commons was appointed, whose report revealed the 
most astonishing rottenness, placing a stigma on 
government management such as we still uncover in 
the United States from time to time. A reorganization 
took place in 1851. At that time the royal forests 
and parks, reduced in extent to about 200,000 acres, 
showed a deficiency of $125,000, mostly, to be sure, 
occasioned by the parks. There was then still a 
tribute of some 600 bucks to be delivered to various 
personages, as was the ancient usage. 

At present there are some 115,000 acres classed as 
royal forest, but only 67,000 acres are really forest, 
consisting of more or less mismanaged woods, under 
the administration, not forest management of the 
Commissioners of Woods and Forests, with Deputy 
Surveyors in charge of the ranges. Although there 
are a few notable exceptions in the management, it 
is to be noted that the same stupid ignorance, which 
introduced the clause into the Constitution of the 
State of New York, was enacted into law in 1877 by 
the English Parliament, forbidding in the New Forest 
all cutting and planting. In 1900, there existed just 
one planting plan, made by a professional forester, 
namely, for a portion of the forest of Dean, while now 
only two other State properties and two or three 
private estates are managed under working plans. 

In 1887, a Committee appointed to inquire into the 
administration of this property, expressed itself most 
dissatisfied, but a Committee of Parliament in 1890 

376 Great Britain, 

whitewashed the administration and reported that 
the management was satisfactory. 

These committees, as well as an earlier one, 
in 1885, were also to recommend measures for 
the advancement of forestry. They laid in their 
recommendations the main stress upon education, but 
no action followed, and it can be said that the govern- 
ment has never done anything for the advancement 
of forestry in the home country, whatever it may have 
done for the dependencies. A Departmental Com- 
mittee again reported in 1902 with all sorts of recom- 
mendations, which have remained unheeded. 

The interests of forestry as far as the government 
is concerned are at present committed to the Board of 
Agriculture, an unwieldy body created in 1889, from 
which this Departmental Committee was appointed. 
There is now, however, a strong movement on foot, led 
by foresters returned from India, to commit the gov- 
ernment to some action with reference to the waste 
lands, and towards providing for educational means. 

Another committee, appointed in 1908 to enquire 
into prospects of afforestation in Ireland, reported in 
favor of acquiring 300,000 acres of wood and 700,000 
acres of unplanted land, dwelling especially on the 
benefit to be secured by providing employment and 
a check upon emigration of the rural population. 
Instead of acting upon this proposition the 
government directed the Royal Commission on 
Coast Erosion, which had issued its first report in 
1907, to suspend its inquiry into the inroads of the 
sea and apply themselves to the inquiry as to 
"whether in connection with unclaimed lands or 

Afforestation Schemes. 377 

otherwise it is desirable to make an experiment in 
afforestation as a means of increasing employment 
during periods of depression, and how, and by whom 
such experiment should be conducted. 

In 1909, the Royal Commission on Afforestation and 
Coast Erosion reported at length, proposing the re- 
forestation by a special Commission of nine million 
acres of waste land at a rate of 75,000 or 150,000 
acres a year to be acquired by purchase — an elabor- 
ate plan, which so far has remained without result. 

The government, although various committees have 
recommended it, has remained also callous in respect 
to educational policy, except that, in 1904, the Com- 
missioners of Woods and Forests instituted a school 
(one instructor) in the Forest of Dean for the educa- 
tion of woodsmen and foremen. 

As illustrative of the government's peculiar attitude 
to forest policy in general, we may note a curious 
anachronism, namely the act of 1894, which relieves 
railway companies from Lability for damage from 
locomotive fires, if they can prove that they have 
exercised all care, although traction engines cannot 
offer this excuse. 

The first attempt to secure educational facilities 
dates to 1884 when a chair of forestry was established 
in the Royal Engineering College at Cooper's Hill, 
an institution designed to prepare for service in India 
purely. Through private subscriptions another chair 
of forestry was instituted in 1887 at the University 
of Edinburgh, and several agricultural colleges, notably 
that of Cirencester, as well as the Universities of 
Cambridge and Oxford, had made provisions for 

378 Great Britain. 

teaching the subject in a way, but outside of Cooper's 
Hill no adequate education in forestry was obtain- 
able in Great Britain, until 1905. 

In 1905, the forest department in Cooper's Hill 
was transferred to Oxford, the three years' course — 
one year to be spent in the forests of Germany or 
other countries — being as before designed mainly for 
aspirants to the Indian forest service. Now, besides 
Oxford, some nine other institutions offer courses in 
forestry — the reason for this educational development 
being difficult to imagine. 

The name of Sir William Schlich, a German forester, 
and for some time the head of the Indian forest de- 
partment now in charge of this school, is most promi- 
nently connected with the reform movement. 

Altogether forest management and silvicultural 
practice are still nearly unknown in England, and, 
until within a few years, the useful idea of working 
plans had not yet penetrated the minds of owners of 
estates. This apathy is, no doubt, in part due to the 
fact that the government is in the hands of the 
nobility, who prefer to keep their "shooting ranges", 
and do not see even a financial advantage from turning 
them into forest as long as they can derive a rent of 
from 10 to 40 cents per acre for shooting privileges. 

Private endeavor has been active through the two 
arboricultural societies, the Royal Scotch, founded 
in 1854, and the Royal English, beginning its labors 
in 1880. The transactions of these societies in annual 
or occasional volumes represented the current maga- 

Education and Literature. 379 

zine literature on forestry since the monthly Journal 
of Forestry and Estates Management, which began its 
career in London in 1877, transferred to Edinburgh 
in 1884, ceased to exist in 1885. 

At present, a very well conducted Quarterly Journal 
of Forestry, started in 1907 by the Royal English 
Arboricultural Society replacing its Transactions and 
that of the Irish Forestry Association, also the Journal 
of the Board of Agriculture, occasionally, supply the 
needs of the continuously improving chances for 
development on forestry lines. Until within a short 
time the English professional book literature has been 
extremely meager, although a considerable propa- 
gandist, arboricultural, and general magazine litera- 
ture exists. Schlich's Manual of Forestry y first in three 
volumes published from 1889 to 1895, now in its 
second to fourth edition, enlarged to five volumes, is 
the most comprehensive publication. Another author 
deserving mention is John Nisbet, known by his 
Studies in Forestry (1894), who also engrafted conti- 
nental silvicultural notions into later editions of 
James Brown's The Forester, an encyclopaedic work 
of merit. Several German and French works have 
been translated into English, notably K. Gayer: Die 
Forstbenutzung; R, Hess: Der Forstschutz; H. Fiirst: 

John Croumbie Brown's sixteen volumes on forests 
and forestry in various countries may be mentioned 
among the propagandist literature. The Arboricul- 
tural Societies mentioned also make a brave effort to 
advance professional development of forestry in their 


While so neglectful of her forest interests at home, 
Great Britain has developed in her possessions in the 
East Indies a far-seeing policy, and, under the lead 
of German influence, has established there one of the 
largest, if not most efficient, forest departments in the 

Contrary to a frequently expressed idea that the 
conditions and problems of India are comparable to 
the conditions and problems of the United States, so 
that the example of Great Britain in India rather than 
that of any European country might serve us in the 
United States, the writer thinks that the very opposite 
is true. Not only are the natural conditions for the 
most part different, India being mainly tropical with 
an entirely different flora and different conditions of 
growth, but industrial, cultural, social and political 
conditions are also entirely different; all of which 
entails difference in methods of procedure. There 
are, to be sure, a few points of similarity: the large 
size of country under one government, and that in the 
hands of an English speaking race; the fact that the 
fire scourge, as with us, but from different reasons, is 
still the greatest problem; that there are arid regions 
and deserts (not over 10 per cent.), and irrigation 
problems and flood dangers to deal with; and finally 
the long delay in establishing a definite forest policy. 
Although this policy was inaugurated over 40 years 
ago, India has not yet, and will by the nature of things, 
not soon pass out of the first stage of development* 
which we may confidently expect to pass through 

General Conditions, 381 

much more rapidly, due to the conditions in which we 
resemble Europe more closely. 

The greater part of India, namely 62 per cent, of 
the 1,773,000 square miles, is under British adminis- 
tration, and is peopled by a subject race of nearly 
240 million, without a voice in their government, 
which is carried on by a small handful of the con- 
querors (about 100,000 Englishmen are living in 
India), while the balance, around 700,000 square 
miles with 53 million people, is divided among a large 
number of more or less independent native States, 
very different in their civilization from ours. 

Industrially, the difference will appear from the 
statement that about 70 per cent, of the population 
is engaged in agricultural pursuits, hence there is no 
active wood market as with us, except for domestic 
purposes, and, as the woods, like those of most tropical 
forest, are mainly cabinet woods, even the export 
trade is insignificant, amounting to hardly 3 million 
dollars, while minor forest products (lac, cutch and 
gambier, myrobalan, caoutchouc, etc.) represent about 
12 million dollars. 

Climatically, as is to be expected, on such a large 
territory, great variation exists, which is increased by 
differences in altitude from the sea level to the tops 
of the Himalayas. The climate is, of course, largely 
tropical, with a rainfall which varies from the heaviest 
known, of 600 inches, to almost none at all. 

Nevertheless, in spite of these differences from our 
conditions, much may be learned from Indian experi- 
ence in the matter of organization, both to follow and 
to avoid, and the fact that this can be done without 

382 India. 

the need of a foreign language will be attractive to 
most Americans. 

The British, like other nations, gained a foothold in 
India for trading purposes during the 17th century. 
This they extended during the 18th century, especially 
after they had attained the ascendancy by Clive's 
subjection, in 1757, of the great Mogul, one of the 
most powerful native princes. By conquest and 
amicable arrangement, the territory of British in- 
fluence was gradually increased through the agency 
of the East India Company, until, in 1858, the British 
government in India was formally established by 
royal proclamation; and, in 1877, it was declared an 

As stated, native princes still control, under British 
influence and restrictions, over one-third of the coun- 
try, or a territory of nearly 700,000 square miles, 
divided into 13 feudatory states. The total area 
under direct British control and government is 
1,087,000 square miles, of which 25 per cent. (280,000 
square miles) is probably forested and waste, some 
232,000 square miles or nearly 150 million acres of 
which are so far declared government property. 

The British territory is divided into three presi- 
dencies (Madras, Bombay and Bengal) and nine 
provinces, each with a separate government under a 
governor, or commissioner, with a council, and all 
subject to control by the resident governor-general 
or viceroy and his council, and he in turn is responsible 
to the Secretary of State at home. 

There is, however, little centralization of govern- 

Climate and Forest. 383 

ment functions, the provincial governments being to 
a large degree at least semi-autonomous, like the 
states in the United States, and considerable varia- 
tion exists in the conduct of affairs. The difficulties 
in introducing something Hke a uniform forest policy 
were, indeed, not small, and much credit is due to 
the wisdom and tact of the three German foresters, 
who in succession filled the difficult position of head 
of the Imperial Forest Department and organized 
the service — Brandis, Schlich and Ribbentrop. 

1. Forest Conditions. 

In the tropics, rainfall conditions more than any 
other factor determine forest conditions. The rains 
of India depend on extraordinary sea winds, or "mon- 
soons," and their distribution is regulated by the 
topography of land and relative position of any dis- 
trict with regard to the mountains and the vapor- 
laden air currents. Thus excessive rainfall character- 
izes the coast line along the Arabian Sea to about 
latitude 20 degrees N., and still more along the coast 
of Lower Burma, and to a lesser extent also the delta 
of the Ganges and the southern slopes of the Hima- 
layas. A moderately humid climate, if gauged by 
annual rainfall, prevails over the plateau occupying 
the larger part of the peninsula and the lower Ganges 
valley, while a rainfall of less than 15 inches occurs 
over the arid regions of the lower Indus. 

The rainfall, so unevenly distributed territorially, 
is, moreover, as unevenly distributed through the 
year. In most districts the principal rains are ex- 
perienced in summer, the rainy season being followed 

384 India. 

by a long dry season. But on the Eastern coast the 
summer rains are slight, and the principal rainy 
season is delayed into October and November, while 
in Northern India and the Himalayas, also winter 
rains occur, irregular and of short duration. 

Even where a relatively large rainfall prevails, the 
climate is dry on account of the high temperature, 
hence some 30,000,000 acres of the cultivated acreage 
(which comprises 225,000,000 acres in all) depend on 
irrigation, over half of this irrigated area lying in the 
tropical zone. 

Roughly speaking, at least four climatic zones with 
many sub-types, may be recognized: the truly tropic, 
intensely hot and wet (over 75 inch rainfall), prevailing 
on the plains and tablelands of the lower half of the 
peninsula; the hot and dry (below 15 inch rainfall) 
climate of the Northwestern Indus plain and plateau ; 
the moderately warm and dry to humid (30-75 inch 
rainfall) climate of the Ganges plain and central 
plateau; and the temperate to alpine, humid climate 
of the Himala^^a mountains, with snow and ice in 
winter, and moderate heat in summer. 

In keeping with this great diversity of climate, 
both as to temperature and humidity, there is a great 
variation in the character and development of the 
forest cover. At least six types can be recognized, 
namely the evergreen forest, found along the West 
coast, in Burma, Andaman Islands, and the sub- 
Himalaya zone, which is composed of broadleaved 
species with a dense undergrowth of small trees and 
tangled lianas (vines), but few shrubs, as is character- 
istic of most tropical forest; the deciduous forest, 

Forest Conditions. 385 

mainly in the interior of Central India, with Sal, Teak 
and Ironwood as characteristic trees; the arid region 
forest, found in the Punjab, in Raiputana, and in 
Sindh, of varying composition, from the open shrub 
forests of the latter province, composed of acacias, 
tamarisk and mesquite, to the denser, more diversified, 
dry, low tree forest of the former ; the alpine coniferous 
forest of the Himalayas and of the mountains of 
Afghanistan, Belutchistan, and Burma, composed of 
pine, deodar, juniper, with oak, walnut, boxwood, 
approaching our own forest types. In addition, there 
may be segregated the coast forest, of small extent, 
composed of trees which, like the mangrove, will 
bear salt water; the overflow forest along rivers; and 
river forests in the desert regions, of which latter 
large areas exist. 

The natural differences in the forest cover are em- 
phasized by the action of man, who for many centuries 
has waged war against the forest, clearing it perma- 
nently or temporarily for agricultural purposes, or else 
merely burning it over to improve grazing facilities, 
or for purposes of the chase. 

Statistics, except of government properties, are 
somewhat doubtful. Apparently, the forested area 
of the whole of India comprises somewhat over 40 
per cent, of the land area. The government forests, 
settled and unsettled, represent at present about 24 
per cent, of the area under British rule (149 million 
acres), not over 20 per cent, being under cultivation, 
leaving about 56 per cent, either natural desert, waste, 
or grazing lands. 

The great forests of India are in Burma; extensive 

386 India. 

woods clothe the foothills of the Himalayas and are 
scattered in smaller bodies throughout the more humid 
portions of the country, while the dry northwestern 
territories are practically treeless wastes. Large areas 
of densely settled districts are so completely void of 
forest that millions of people regularly burn cow dung 
as fuel, while equally large districts are still impene- 
trable, wild woods, where, for want of market, it 
hardly pays to cut even the best of timbers. 

The great mass of forests in India are stocked with 
hardwoods, which in these tropical countries are 
largely evergreen, or nearly so, although the large 
areas of dry forest are deciduous by seasons; only a 
small portion of the forest area is covered by conifers, 
both pine and cedar, these pine forests being generally 
restricted to higher altitudes in the Himalayas. The 
hardwoods, most of which in India truly deserve this 
name, belong to a great variety of plant families, some 
of the most important being the Leguminosse, Ver- 
benacese, Dipterocarpese, Combretaceae, Rubiaceae, 
Ebenaceae, Euphorbiacese, Myrtacese, and others, and 
a relatively small portion represented by Cupuliferae 
and other families familiar to us. The most important, 
valuable species are Teak, Sal, and Deodar. 

In the greater part of India the hardwood forest 
consists not of a few species, as with us, but is made 
up, like most tropical forest, of a great variety of trees 
unlike in their habit, their growth, and their product; 
and, if our hardwoods offer on this account consider- 
able difficulties to profitable exploitation, the case 
is far more complicated in India, several thousand 
species entering into the composition. In addition 

Forest Composition. 387 

to the large variety of timber trees there is a multi- 
tude of shrubs, twining and climbing plants, and in 
many forest districts also a growth of giant grasses 
(bamboos), attaining a height of 30 to 120 feet, which 
is ready to take possession of clearings. These bam- 
boos, valuable as they are in many ways, prevent 
often for years the growth of any seedling trees, and 
thus form a serious obstacle to the regeneration of 
valuable timber. The growth of timber is generally 
quite rapid, although to attain commercial size, Teak 
requires usually a rotation of 150 years. But in spite 
of their rapid growth and the large areas now in forest 
capable of reforestation, India is not likely — at least 
within reasonable time — to raise more timber than it 
needs. In most parts of India, the use of ordinary 
soft woods, such as pine, seems very restricted, for 
only durable woods, those resisting both fungi and 
insects (of which the white ants are specially destruc- 
tive), can be employed in the more permanent struc- 
tures, and are therefore acceptable in all Indian 

At present. Teak is the most important hardwood 
timber, while the Deodar (a true cedar) is the most 
extensively used conifer. Teak occurs in all moist 
regions of India except the Himalayas, grows usually 
mixed with other kinds, single, or in clumps, is girdled 
two or three years before felling, is generally logged 
in a primitive way, commonly hewn in the woods and 
shipped — usually floated — as timber, round or hewn, 
and rarely sawn to size. 

In 1905-6, the cut in the State forest area was 
240,000,000 cubic feet, timber (25%) and fuel, of 


388 India. 

which 20 per cent, was given to grantees or those 
holding rights of user free of charge, and less than 
2 per cent, was exported. In addition, over 200 million 
bamboos and nearly two million dollars worth of by- 
products, such as lac, caoutchuc, cutch, gambler, 
myrobalans, were secured. 

2. Property Conditions. 

Prior to the British occupation, the native rulers, 
or rajahs, laid claim to a certain proportion of the 
produce from all cultivators of the soil. They also 
reserved absolute right to the forests, and to all un- 
seated or waste lands, although usually the people 
were allowed to supply their needs from these. The 
English government, by right of conquest, fell heir 
to these rights as well as to the properties, but, with- 
out care in asserting its rights, the unimpeded use of 
unguarded forest property led to the assertion of rights 
of user by the people, and such were also sometimes 
granted by the government. "Joint village" com- 
munities in some parts, i.e., settlements which occupy 
contiguous areas, claimed and occupied large areas 
of forest and waste as commons, and in general the 
original property rights of the government became 

The necessity of bringing order into this question led 
to various so-called settlements, by which the rights 
were defined, properties de-limited, and payment in 
kind changed into cash payments. 

After attempts to regulate these matters by local 
rules, the first general Indian Forest Act, passed in 
1865, modified by the Forest Act of 1878, laid down 

State Forests, 389 

the basis upon which the rights of forest property were 
to be settled. These acts divide the forests into three 
classes, namely, those in which the right of the State 
is absolute; those in which the State has property 
rights, but which are burdened with prescriptive or 
granted rights of user; and those which are private 
property, but on which the State reserves the right 
to cut certain kinds of trees for government use, Teak, 
Sandalwood, and in some parts Deodar, these being 
considered "royal trees." The forest act being 
throughout applicable only at the choice and under 
the construction of the provincial governments, modi- 
fied acts, applicable to different parts of the Empire, 
and different in details, were passed from time to time, 
and many different local rules were issued by the pro- 
vincial governments, but all agree in fixing one definite 
policy, namely declaration or demarcation of govern- 
ment forests, after inquiry into all existing rights, 
and division of the declared government forests into 
three classes, reserves or permanent state forests, 
protected forests, and unclassed, the latter two still 
open to change in ownership, and adjustment in 
rights of user, etc. 

The absolute and relative areas of government pro- 
perty, therefore, are continuously changing. In 1900 
the reserve forests comprised 81,400 square miles, or 
8.6% of the total territory controlled by the British 
government; the protected forest 8800 square miles, 
and the demarcated but unclassified area, 117,000 
square miles. These figures had, in 1904, changed to 
91,567 for permanent reserves (58 million acres), 
9865 for protected, and 131,269 for unclassed, showing 

390 India. 

the rapid change now taking place in the status of 

The name of B. H. Baden-Powell, at one time con- 
servator of the Punjab and Acting Inspector-General 
of Forests during 1872-4, is closely connected with 
placing this forest legislation on a sound basis. The 
object of this legislation was mainly to settle the ques- 
tion of ownership and rights, hence reserved forests 
are not necessarily set aside for forest purposes like 
the forest reservation sinthe United States, although 
ultimately this will probably be their condition. 

Rights of user were under this legislation regulated 
or commuted. In some parts, even on the reserved 
forest areas, there are still retained rights to cut 
taungyas, i.e., to make partial clearings for temporary 
agricultural use, under the restriction of not destroy- 
ing teak trees over 18 inches in diameter, and with 
the right of the cultivators to supply their domestic 
needs, under obligation to cut out fire traces, burning 
the brush, and instituting similar protective measures. 

The title to the forest property having been secured, 
its permanent demarcation and a survey of the same 
were the next steps; the first having gradually been 
nearly accomplished, the latter being still far in arrears. 

The area of private and communal forests is not pre- 
cisely known, but, including waste land and lands of 
uncertain conditions, there are at least 500,000 square 
miles so owned, including those of feudatory rulers 
within the provinces. Of these, some 500 square miles 
or more of forest are leased to the government and 
under its control; and in some cases forest adminis- 
trations are instituted by the rajahs themselves. 

Property Conditions. 391 

In the Act of 1878, there was a clause calHng for 
protection of private forest property against trespass 
and encroachment, but this remained a dead letter. 
By later legislation the government is entitled to exer- 
cise control over private forests and lands, if it appears 
necessary for the public weal, or if the treatment 
which such forests have received from their owners 
affect the public welfare or safety injuriously; but in 
such cases the owner can require the government to 
expropriate the land in question. 

The forest act also provided that the government 
may assign to village communities from the reserved 
forest area so-called village forests, and make rules for 
their protection, use and management. How far this 
policy has been applied does not appear. 

There are still areas the ownership of which is not 
settled, and rights which are still in doubt, the work 
of the so-called forest settlements still going on, several 
thousand square miles being annually changed in 
status, and several thousand dollars annually spent to 
quiet rights of user. 

3. Development of Forest Policy, 

Through the long history of India that preceded the 
arrival of the Mohammedans in the 10th to 12th 
centuries, it appears that the forest area was only 
slowly encroached upon by the Hindoo civilization. 
Even when the invaders, nomads by habit, drove 
many of the native race into the jungle to eke out a 
precarious existence, owing to the remarkable re- 
cuperative powers of a tropical nature the impression 
made was not permanent. Although much forest 

392 India. 

growth was then destroyed, cleared or mutilated, 
changes took place only slowly. 

It has been claimed, that in consequence of the 
destruction, which was incident to the nomadic life 
of the Mohammedans and the shifting agriculture of 
the aborigines, climatic changes were produced, but 
the proof for this assertion has remained questionable. 

When in the 18th century the British entered India 
in rivalry with the French and other European nations, 
it was, of course, only for purposes of exploitation, and 
for a long time after the British had attained the as- 
cendancy and had subjected most of the territory 
now ruled by them, not much concern was had about 
the forests; they furnished but small values, excepting 
in one particular, namely supplies of Teak for naval 
purposes. In the beginning of the 19th century the 
Government became concerned regarding these sup- 
plies, which under the rough exploitation threatened 
to become exhausted. 

The first step towards securing some conservative 
management dates back to 1806, when Captain Wat- 
son was sent to India as Conservator of Forests, to 
look after the interests of the East India Company 
in this direction. His inability to compromise with 
those who had secured timber privileges led to his 
removal and an abandonment of the office, in 1823. 
Ineffective, sporadic efforts at administration by the 
provincial governments then followed. 

In 1839-40, the government of the Bombay Presi- 
dency stopped the cutting of Teak trees on govern- 
ment property. In 1834, M. Connolly, Collector of 
Malabar in the Madras Presidency, began to plant 

Early Attempts at Forest Control. 393 

Teak on a large scale at Nilambur. In 1847, Dr. 
Gibson was appointed Conservator of Forests in 
Bombay; from 1848 to 1856, Lieutenant (now General, 
C. S. I.) James Michael conducted the government 
timber operations in the Anamalai Teak forests 
(Madras), and made the first recorded attempts to 
protect Indian forests from injury by annual jungle 

In 1856, Dr. Hugh Cleghorn was appointed Con- 
servator of Forests in Madras. He checked the 
destructive practices of temporary cultivation in the 
government forests of that Presidency, a measure, 
which at first was strongly opposed by the people, 
but his well-known desire to promote native interests 
inspired the rulers of the country with confidence, 
and finally his measures were successful. 

Various attempts at some kind of regulation of the 
exploitation by lumbermen were also made by the 
general government, after various examinations and 
reports, and, in 1847, even a small and ineffective 
forest department was organized. 

The annexation of the Province of Pegu in lower 
Burma, in 1852, introduced a new complication, and 
proved the turning point in forestry matters. In this 
province, the right to cut Teak had been reserved by 
the native princes, and hence became a right of the 
crown, but private lumbermen began to cut this 
timber, and, after an investigation and report, it was 
decided to take definite steps to regulate the use of 
these valuable Teak forests at least. 

Lord Dalhousie, the then Governor-General, upon 
the basis of the report of the superintendent of forests 

394 India. 

at Pegu, Dr. McClelland, in 1855 laid down in states- 
manlike manner an outline of a permanent forest 
policy for the government, and introduced the first 
professional adviser. 

In 1856, a German forester from Hesse, Dietrich 
Brandis (afterward Sir) was installed as superinten- 
dent of forests for Pegu with wide powers under con- 
tract for 10 years, at a liberal salary, and pension 
after retirement. The only possible check that could 
at first be applied was to force the lumbermen to make 
contracts, limit the diameter to which the exploitation 
was to be allowed, and mark the trees to be felled. 
This was done, naturally not without a large amount 
of friction. 

The result of this experiment in forest conservancy, 
as the English are pleased to call it, was so satisfactory, 
that, in 1862, it was decided to organize a forest de- 
partment for all India; Brandis was entrusted with 
the organization, and, in 1864, he was appointed head 
of the new department under the Secretary of Public 
Works v/ith the title of Inspector-General, acting as 
adviser of the various provincial governments. 

The forests of India during the next 20 years during 
which Brandis held office, were, province by province, 
brought under the regime of the Imperial Forest 
Department, although the provincial governments 
retain full and independent administrative power. 

The first problem was to settle ownership conditions, 
which was done in the manner described before, by 
the act of 1865, and by later acts. 

The discontent which was created by this act came 
very near wrecking the whole enterprise, and much 

Forest Acts. 395 

difference of opinion between the local and general 
governments existed, the government of Madras 
going so far as to declare the impossibility of estab- 
lishing State property in view of the acknowledged 
rights of the villagers over waste lands. The general 
policy, however, finally prevailed, and an increasingly 
harmonious cooperation of the provincial govern- 
ments has allowed the development of an efficient 
forest service. 

Various provincial legislation was considered, passed 
and repealed, until, in 1878, the Indian Forest Act VII 
settled the policy at least for the majority of the pro- 
vinces, Madras and Burma and some minor districts 
still declining to extend its provisions to their forests. 
The Burma government enacted, however, similar 
legislation in 1881, and the Madras government in 
1882, and, much later, the other outstanding govern- 
ments followed (1886 to 1891), so that, while the 
detail of application varies not inconsiderably, the 
general policy regarding forest property of the State 
is the same throughout the empire. Whatever of 
uniformity exists had to be secured mainly by per- 
suasive means. 

The forest acts, as stated on a previous page, con- 
tain certain provisions regarding formation of village 
forests and control of private forest property, but 
no interference with private forest property has been 
attempted, although in some parts this is more im- 
portant and larger than the State holdings. Most 
of the owners merely exploit their property, but 
some of the larger, more enlightened native princes 
have established forest administrations, imitating the 

396 India. 

example of the Imperial government. Those of Mysore 
and Kashmir and Hyderabad have placed this ad- 
ministration under an imperial forest officer, fur- 
loughed for this purpose, and derive handsome reve- 
nues; the Kashmir forests of about 2500 square miles 
yielding round $180,000; those of Mysore, near 2000 
square miles, over $330,000, this largely derived from 
sales of sandal wood; those of the Nizam of Hydera- 
bad, with 5200 square miles in reserves and 4400 in 
protected forests, deriving a revenue of $75,000, seven 
times what it was ten years before. 

4. Forest Organization and Administration. 

The condition of affairs in the forest department can 
be briefly summarized as follows for the year 1909. 

Total area under government control: 241,774 
square miles, namely. Reserved, 94,561; Protected, 
8,835; Unclassed, 138,378. 

Officials (in 1905): Higher grades, 312; Lower 
grades, 1,663; Guards, 8,533. The controling staff 
was in 1909 increased by 34; and numbers in all 
other grades increased. 

Rounded off Expenditures, $4,500,000; Revenues, 
$8,225,000; Net Proceeds, $3,675,000 (45% of gross). 
Variation in the value of the rupee makes compari- 
son with earlier years uncertain. 

In spite of the many difficulties, a poor market (no 
market at all for a large number of woods), wild, 
unsurveyed, and practically unknown woodlands, 
requiring unusual and costly methods of organization 
and protection, the forestry department has succeeded, 
without curtailing the timber output of India, in so 
regulating forest exploitation as to insure not only a 
permanence in the output, but also to improve the 

Administration. 397 

woodlands by favoring the valuable species. It has 
prepared for an increase of output for the future, and 
at the same time has yielded the Government a 
steadily growing revenue, which bids fair to rank be- 
fore long among the important sources of income. 

In 1865 the net revenue was only $360,000, it had 
about doubled by 1875, and more than trebled by 
1885, and since then has more than quadrupled. 

While in the period of 1870 to 1874 the expense of 
the administration was still 70 per cent, of the gross in- 
come, it has gradually been reduced to near 45 per cent., 
while the outturn in material has in the last five years 
increased by 35% over the preceding quinquennium. 

At first, the department and its operations as well as 
its finances were Imperial, the local governments hav- 
ing no control over its officers or over the revenue de- 
rived, but, in 1882, decentralization was effected, the 
local governments obtaining a direct interest in the 
revenues. As a result the financial interest over- 
ruled the conservative policy, and over-cutting was 
the consequence. In 1884, the general government 
recognized the need of a change. After some struggle, 
the Imperial department was placed at least in charge 
of preparing tfie working plans, and pressure for their 
execution if not direct enforcement can be brought 
through appeal to the general government by the 
Inspector-General, which, however, has never been 
necessary to use. 

The organization of the forest service passed through 
various stages, and the arrangement in the different 
provinces is even now not quite uniform. 

The forest service, then, is peculiarly organized as 
regards division of responsibilities and relationships 

398 India. 

between the imperial and the provincial governments, 
the autonomy of the latter being jealously guarded. 
It is divided into the Imperial and the Provincial 
Service, the former consisting of the higher grade 
officials entirely recruited from England, the latter, the 
executive service, being in administrative functions 
independent of the former. 

An Inspector-General, directly under the Secretary 
of Revenue and Agriculture, (for some time under the 
Home Department) is the head of the service, and acts 
as professional adviser both of the Imperial and the 
Provincial Governments. But this head of the service 
is shorn of most of executive functions, all adminis- 
trative matters being reserved to the provincial 

The Inspector-General has charge only of the forest 
school administration, of forest surveys, and of the 
making of working plans, which later, after approval 
by the Provincial government, are in their execution 
inspected and critically supervised by him, but with- 
out power to enforce them, or to give direction directly 
to the Conservators in charge (at least in Madras and 
Burma). He also watches over and reports on the 
progress of all forestry matters in the empire. 

Peculiarities and great variety are also found in 
other official relations and in the appointing power, 
the general and provincial governments exercising 
certain rights in this respect. 

The Controlling Staff (57 officers in 1869, now about 
300) under the Inspector-General, consists of Conserva- 
tors, Deputy Conservators and Assistant Conserva- 
tors. The Conservators, now some 20, so far as they are 

Organization. 399 

not directly acting as assistants in the Inspector-Gene- 
ral's office, are the heads of the provincial departments 
and conservatorships, and in that capacity directly sub- 
ordinate to the local government, which in Madras and 
Bombay also has their appointment; each is in charge 
either of the entire forest business of the Province, or 
of a circle forming part of a Province and the admin- 
istration unit in India. These are, therefore, the 
most influential and most responsible agents in in- 
troducing forestry practices. Conservatorships are 
divided into divisions, each in charge of a divisional 
forest officer, a member of either the Imperial or the 
Provincial Controlling Staff; but these have to ac- 
knowledge subordination to the Chief Civil officer, the 
Collector of the district in which they are located, in 
order to harmonize the financial and forestal interests. 

About 80 per cent, of the Controlling Staff in the 
Imperial Service are appointed by the Secretary of 
State from graduates formerly from the forest school 
at Cooper's Hill College, now Oxford, the remaining 
20 per cent, from Englishmen in the provincial ser- 
vice, the members of which have passed through the 
Dehra Dun forest school and through the lower 
branches of the service. In addition to this Superior 
Staff, a Subordinate Staff of Extra Deputy Con- 
servators and Extra Assistant Conservators forms 
the Provincial Service, which is mainly recruited from 
the natives. 

The districts are divided into ranges, for which an 
Executive Service is organized, of rangers (over 400), 
who are now selected from graduates of the forest 
school in Dehra Dun. Deputy rangers and foresters, 

400 India. 

a lower grade (some 1700), and guards, having their 
separate beats (over 8500), form the Protective 
Service, mostly or all recruited from the better class 
of natives. 

5. Forest Treatment. 

With the irregular distribution of forests, the pecu- 
liarities of Indian government affairs and population, 
and the wild and difficult forest conditions themselves, 
it is but natural that the work thus far has been 
chiefly one of organization, survey, and protection. 

In the protection against unlawful felling or timber 
stealing and grazing, the Government of India has 
shown itself fully equal to the occasion by a liberal 
policy of supplying villagers in proximity of the forests 
with fuel, building material, pasture, etc., at reduced 
prices or gratis. Over $1,500,000 worth is thus dis- 
posed of annually, the incentive to timber stealing 
being thereby materially reduced. A reasonable and 
just permit system for grazing, where again the needs 
of the neighboring villagers are most carefully con- 
sidered, not only brings the government a yearly 
revenue of over $800,000, but enables the people to 
pasture about 14,000,000 head of animals in the State 
forests without doing any material damage to tree 
growth. Thirty-one per cent, of the total forest 
area is open to grazing. 

The work of preventing and fighting fires can with 
the means available not be carried on over the entire 
forest area, of which large tracts are not even crossed 
by a footpath, and in a land where the regular firing 
of the woods has become the custom of centuries, 
and where, in addition, intensely hot and dry weather, 

Forest Fires. 401 

together with a most luxuriant growth of giant grasses, 
render these jungle fires practically unmanageable. 
Each year, however, additional territory is brought 
under protection. In 1902, nearly 37,000 square 
miles, or nearly 40% of the area in reserve, but only 
12% of the total government forest area, were under 
protection at a cost of $4.00 per square mile or less 
than one cent per acre, half of what it was 10 years 
before, and over 2 per cent, of the gross revenue. 
Nearly 5,000 fires occurred, to be sure, which burnt 
over 3,000,000 acres, that is to say over 90 per cent, of 
the area the protection was effective. For nearly 
half the fires the cause remains unknown. Danger 
from fire has, however, become less in protected areas 
because of the changes in herbage and moisture con- 
ditions. Yet it costs still about two per cent, of the 
gross revenue to protect the area, and the figures just 
cited show that this expenditure is only partially 
effective. In 1909, tho protected area had increased to 
43,000 square miles, the cost to $5, the efftciency to 
94 per cent. 

The first successful attempts to deal with forest 
fires were made in 1864 by Major (later Colonel) G. 
F. Pearson, who was then Conservator of Forests in 
the Central Provinces, and who devised a system of 
cleared fire lines or "fire traces," surrounding the 
areas to be protected, which were cut and burned over 
early in the season, a system now in vogue in all India. 
In the jungle forests the traces must be broad; the 
grass often taller than an elephant must be cut and 
burned before the grass on either side of the fire lane is 
dry enough to burn. 

This protection forms the most important duty of 

402 India. 

the forest officials, a trying one as it has to be carried 
on during the hot season. 

A separate branch of the forest service carried on the 
work of surveying and mapping the forest area in- 
stead of the regular Survey of India, with the result of 
cheapening the cost. Some 74,000 square miles had 
been mapped on the scale of 4 inch to the mile, the 
standard, some smaller areas on smaller scale, at the 
rate of $25 per square mile. In 1908, however, this 
work was handed over to the Survey. 

Silviculture. Silvicultural practices are naturally 
but little developed. Protection against fire, grazing, 
overcutting has been the first requisite. The un-. 
regulated selection system with a diameter limit, 
which Brandis introduced, still prevails mostly, al- 
though beginnings of a compartment and group sys- 
tem in converting miscarried selection forest of Deo- 
dar, Pine and Sal have been made, or rather of an 
improved selection method, which seeks to secure re- 
production in groups. Clearcutting with seed trees 
held over is practised in the coniferous mountain 
forest. Coppice and coppice with standards (re- 
serves of sprouts) is a natural condition over large 
areas, especially with Teak and Sal. Even improve- 
ment cuttings or sowing on barren hillsides with 
remarkable success, are not absent. 

The attempts at securing reproduction, especially 
in the truly tropic forests have often miscarried, in- 
ferior species filling the openings. Girdling of in- 
ferior species to favor the better classes has hardly 
had the desired result. In the deciduous forest, the 
same difficulty of undesirable aftergrowth is exper- 

SilvictiUural Practice. 403 

ienced, deteriorating the composition, except in the 
case of the gregarious Sal tree {Shorea robusta), the 
treatment of which for reproduction has, after many 
failures, been well established. Other gregarious 
species also can be satisfactorily reproduced. The 
culled and burned-over forests, of which, there are 
many, are re-habilitated in a manner by merely 
removing the old overmature and defective timber, 
with comparative success. 

In some parts, the large gregarious bamboos are a 
serious obstacle to reproduction. Here, the only 
chance for reproduction exists when they flower and 
die. Killing the bamboos by cutting the annual 
shoots proved a failure, but burning over the whole 
area and sowing seems to be followed by success. 

In other parts, as in the large Teak forests of Burma, 
as w^ell as of other provinces, the useless kinds of trees 
are girdled, huge climbers are cut off, and a steady war 
is waged against all species detrimental to teak regen- 
eration with satisfactory results. With Teak, even 
planting on a larger scale is resorted to, especially by 
means of taungyas, i.e. plantations, where the native 
is allowed to burn down a piece of woods, use it for 
a few years as field (though it is never really cleared) 
on condition of planting it with teak, being paid a 
certain sum for every hundred trees found in a thrifty 
condition at the time of giving up his land. Similarly, 
the department has expended large sums in attempt- 
ing to establish forests in parts of the arid region of 
Beluchistan, and, on the whole, during 1894-95 about 
$150,000 were expended on cultural operations, 
which up to that time involved about 76,000 acres of 


404 India. 

regular plantations and 36,000 acres taungyas (mostly 
teak,) making a total of 112,000 acres, besides numer- 
ous large areas where the work consisted merely in 
aiding natural reproduction. 

But, in 1909, the plantations seem to have been re- 
duced to 59,000 acres, (probably through failures), 
the taungyas however increased to 84,000 acres, and 
the budget for plantings and other cultural measures 
formed a little over two per cent, of the gross revenues. 

We see then, that though the forests of India are 
now, and will continue for some time to be little more 
than wild woods with some protection and a reasonable 
system of exploitation in place of a mere robbing or 
culling system, yet the work of actual improvement 
steadily increases in amount and perfection. 

In disposing of its timber the Government of India 
employs various methods. In some of the forest dis- 
tricts the people pay merely a small tax and get out of 
the woods what and as much as they need. In other 
cases, the logger pays for what he removes, the amount 
he fells being neither limited in quantity nor quality. 
The prevalent systems, however, are the permit 
system, when a permit is issued indicating the amount 
to be cut and the price to be paid for the same, and 
the contract system, when the work is more or less 
under the control of government officers and the ma- 
terial remains government property until paid for. 
To a limited extent the governments carry on their 
own timber exploitation. 

Working Plans. Only a relatively small part of the 
total forest area, each year, however, increasing, is as 

Working Plans. 405 

yet worked under plans. In 1885, only 109 square 
miles, in 1899, 20,000 square miles, and in 1903, 
nearly 30,000 square miles, about 13 per cent, of the 
total, or 30 per cent, of the reserved area, were oper- 
ated under working plans, and each year about 4000 
square miles are added, so that now (1909) over half 
the reserved area is under working plans. 

Only gradually was the character of these plans 
brought into practical form, and their execution, in 
spirit at least, enforced, the Conservators having the 
right to deviate from the plans. 

A map, prepared by the survey branch naturally 
forms the basis of the plan. The form of the plan is 
prescribed by the provincial regulations, and the 
preparation is also carried on by the provincial ser- 
vice under advice and supervision of the imperial de- 
partment. The "strip valuation survey," which 
Brandis introduced, covering sometimes as much as 
30 per cent, of the area, is employed in determining 
number of trees and sizes, growing stock and cut, 
modeled after the European practice, except that little, 
perhaps too little, money is spent on their elaboration, 
especially on determining the proper amount of cut. 
That the cut is controlled at all is the most important 

6. Education a7td Literature. 

In 1866, Sir Dietrich Brandis selected as assistants 
two young men who had been trained in the forest 
schools of Germany — in turn his successors — and at 
the same time arrangements were made for the train- 
ing of young Englishmen in the Forest schools of 

406 India. 

France and Germany. At the end of 1875 the pro- 
fessional education was entirely transferred to Nancy. 
The present force of Conservators is composed largely 
of these men. For some reason, the training of men in 
Germany and France became unpopular, and this 
objection finally led, in 1884, to the establishment of 
a chair of forestry at Cooper's Hill College for En- 
gineering in England. At first, the course of study ex- 
tended over 26 months, during 22 of which the candi- 
dates prosecuted their studies at the college; the 
remaining four months being spent under suitable 
supervision in selected British and Continental forests. 

In 1905, this department was transferred to Oxford 
University and the course extended to three years, 
one year to be spent in continental forests. At 
present this time may, however, be reduced to two 
years and the vacations in continental forests. This 
is a government affair, and probationers receive 
stipends from the government. 

Mr. Brandis as early as 1869 saw also the necessity 
of providing the means of giving the natives of India 
some sort of technical education in forestry. The 
first step in this direction was to place natives, 
selected ones, under one or two officers of the Imperial 
Service who were deemed fit to instruct them, and 
in this way a few good men were turned out. An- 
other experiment, after the German pattern, was made 
by apprenticing likely young men under some forester 
for a year or two and then sending them to an engi- 
neering school for theoretical instruction. This was 
also a failure. After much hard work, the Indian 
forest school at Dehra Dun was established in 1878, 

Forest Schools. 407 

the forests between the Jumna and the Ganges rivers 
were set aside as training grounds, formed into a 
special Forest Circle and placed under the control 
of the director of the school. These forests have been 
subjected to regular systems of management, based 
on European experience, and excellent results have 
been obtained. The first course of systematic theo- 
retical instruction was opened on the 1st of July, 
1881. In 1884 the school was made an imperial in- 
stitution by the Government of India, and the In- 
spector-General of Forests was charged with its 
supervision, under a Board of Control, consisting of 
the Inspector-General, the Director, and three Con- 
servators, with the Assistant Inspector-General as 
secretary. This board meets once a year at Dehra, 
conducts the examinations, and looks into all of the 
workings of the School very carefully. There were 
two courses — one in which the teaching was given in 
English for rangers, the other in which the instruction 
was given in the vernacular for foresters; courses ex- 
tending over 24 months. In 1906 the school was raised 
to the rank of a college and the course in the ver- 
nacular abolished. The graduates may aspire to the 
rank of division officers. The training of lower grade 
officers is left to the provinces. The Bombay Presi- 
dency had for some time their own forest school in 
connection with the Engineering College at Poona, but 
this is now abandoned. Another school, however, is 
located at Tharrawaddy, with a two-year course in 
Burmese, and one in Madras with a one-year course; 
so that the education of lower grade officials is well 
attended to. 

408 India. 

Forest Experiment and Investigations have never 
been systematically instituted, being left to individual 
initiative, but lately (1909) provision has been made 
in this direction in connection with the Dehra Dun 
school by the establishment of an Imperial Research 

Besides a monthly journal, the Indian Forester 
which came into existence in 1875 through Schlich's 
initiative, and the annual reports of the various con- 
servators and of the Inspector-General, a small book 
literature has developed within the last ten or fifteen 

Descriptive volumes of note are J. S. Gamble's 
Manual of Indian Timbers, new edition, 1902; Trees, 
Shrubs and Woody Climbers of Bombay Presidency by 
W. A. Talbot, 1902; Ribbentrop's Forestry in British 
India, 1900, and the earlier publication of H. R. Mor- 
gan, Forestry in Southern India; Brandis' Indian 
Forestry and Distribution of Forests in India. Of pro- 
fessional interest are E. E. Fernandez Manual of 
Indian Silviculture, unfortunately out of print; the 
same author's Forest Industries; D'Arcy's Manual of 
Forest Working Plans; C. C. Roger's Manual of Forest 
Engineering in India, and B. H. Baden-Powell, 
Forest Law. 

The influence of the development of the Indian For- 
est Service on the forest policy of other British col- 
onies and of the home country has been considerable 
and is growing, Indian forest officers being detailed 
to assist in developing forest policies in these other 
parts of the British Empire. 


The largest single colony of Great Britain and the 
most important as regards forest supplies, both as to 
quantity and character, Canada has been for a long 
time supplying the mother country with a large pro- 
portion of her imports. 

Although in size larger than the United States, its 
land area being estimated at over 3,600,000 square 
miles, Canada has so far attained only one-fifteenth of 
the population of her neighbor, namely less than 7 
million, although now rapidly growing. Much of her 
territory is still unknown, and will remain for a long 
time unavailable for civilization owing to its inhospi- 
table climate. Indeed, as yet not one-third of its 
territory may be considered opened up to civilization, 
and not much more than 100,000 square miles can be 
said to be occupied, one-half improved in farms, and 
two-thirds of this in crops. 

Much of the northern country remains unorganized 
and the vast North West Territory (2,656,000 square 
miles) between Hudson's Bay and the Rocky Moun- 
tains, as well as Labrador, are for the most part unin- 
habited except by Indians and a few military and 
trading posts. 

Report on the Forest Wealth of Canada, by the Statistician of the Department 
of Agriculture, 1895. 

Reports of Crown Lands Departments, of Bureau of Forestry of Ontario, and 
of Forestry Branch of the Dominion. 

Dkfebaugh's History of the Lumber Industry of America, Vol. I, 1906, brings 
together much information on this phase of the subject. 

Hough's Report on Forestry, Vol. II, 1880, has a compilation of earlier statistics. 

An Analysis of Canada's Timber Wealth, by B. E. Fernow, in Forestry 
Quarterly, Vol. VI, 1908, attempts a differentiation of commercial forest areas. 

410 Canada. 

The central interior region, dotted with lakes and 
intricate river systems, is a continuation of the forest- 
less arid and subarid, plains and prairies of the country- 
West of the Mississippi River, tov/ard the north 
changing by steps into lowlands studded with open 
treegrowth, and barren tundra frozen all the year, a 
million square miles answering to this last descrip- 
tion. The Pacific Slope is a rough and lofty mountain 
country, the extension of the Rockies and Coast 
Ranges, with a variable, in part humid and temperate, 
in part dry and rigorous climate, more or less heavily 
wooded, about 600,000 square miles, with the Fraser 
River in the South forming the most important 
drainage basin. 

The Atlantic portion, south of the plateau-liko, 
bare, or scantily wooded Hudson Bay and Labrador 
country, with a climate, somewhat similar to North 
Eastern Germany, is formed by the slopes of the water- 
sheds of the Great Lakes and of their mighty outlet, 
the St. Lawrence River and its Gulf; the slopes rising 
gradually northward to the low range of the Height ef 
Land, a plateau with low hills, not over 1500 feet 
elevation, which cuts it off from the northern country 
and forms the limit of commercial forest. This 
region, the bulk of the provinces of Ontario and Que- 
bec — a belt of not exceeding 300 miles in width and 
about 1500 miles in length, altogether 300,000 square 
miles — with 93,000 square miles in the maritime 
provinces, around 250 million acres in all, represents, 
outside of British Columbia, the true forest region of 
Canada, and at the same time the centre of Canadian 

Political Development. 411 

Although the Cabot brothers discovered Cape 
Breton and Labrador in 1497 and 1500, the first 
settlement of Canadian territory was not made until 
1541 by French colonists, after the first Captain- 
General of Canada, Jacques Cartier, the discoverer 
and explorer of the St. Lawrence (in 1534), had taken 
possession of the country for Francis I ; but not m.uch 
progress in colonizing was made until Champlain's 
arrival in the first years of the next century. Quebec 
was founded as early as 1608, and Montreal in 1611, 
but Ottawa dates its first beginnings not farther back 
than 1800. 

The northern country around Hudson's Bay was, 
under the name of Rupert's Land (after Prince Rupert, 
the head of the enterprise), undefined in limits, 
granted by Charles II, in 1670, to the Hudson's Bay 
Company, a powerful fur-trading corporation which had 
not only a commercial monopoly but, except for occa- 
sional interference by the French, held absolute govern- 
mental sway over the country through 200 years, its 
jurisdiction at one time extending to the Pacific Coast. 

Friction and warfare with the English resulted in 
the latter acquiring by the treaty of Utrecht in 1713, 
Newfoundland, and settling their rights on Hudson's 
Bay. The final conquest of "New France" by the 
English ended French rule in 1763, but the French 
colonists remained peacefully, and their descendants 
form to-day, at least in Quebec, the predominating 
influence. Indeed, in 1774, by the so-called Quebec 
Act, the first permanent system of self government was 
established much on the lines of the French feudal 
system, and the French civil law was retained. 

412 Canada. 

At first, under English rule, the territory, then 
including the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michi- 
gan, Wisconsin and Minnesota, formed one colony, 
but after the war of the Revolution, in 1791, the 
territory remaining English was divided into two 
separately governed provinces, Upper and Lower, or 
West and East Canada. They were re-united in 
1840, and continued so until 1867 when the so-called 
Union or British North America Act effected the 
present organization of the Dominion of Canada, a 
federal union, comprising only the provinces of On- 
tario, Quebec, New Brunswick and Nova Scotia. 
After various combinations and subdivisions all of the 
British Possessions in North America, except New- 
foundland and its dependencies in Labrador, came into 
the union, and, in 1882, the union was completed 
with the then seven provinces (those mentioned with 
Prince Edward Island, Manitoba and British Colum- 
bia) and all the organized and unorganized territory. 

In the same year, four territories, Assiniboia, 
Saskatchewan, Alberta and Athabasca, in 1895 the 
territory of Ungava in Labrador, and in 1898 that of 
Yukon were organized, with a view of their eventual 
elevation into provinces, the relationships of the 
federation being quite similar to that of the states 
and territories in the United States. 

In 1905, the Western territories were organized 
into two provinces, Saskatchewan and Alberta. 

The government, although practically much like 
a republic and largely independent of the home 
country, is theoretically a limited monarchy, the king 
being represented by a Governor-General, appointed 

Political Development. 413 

by the king, and a privy council selected by the 
governor. The latter also appoints (now 81) senators 
for life to form the upper house of the Parliament or 
legislative body, while the lower House of Commons is 
elected by the people. Besides this imperial govern- 
ment, each province has its own separate government 
with a lieutenant-governor, appointed by the Gover- 
nor-General, and an elected legislature; this automony 
being somewhat similar to that of the states of the 
United States and the division of functions be- 
tween federal and provincial governments being also 

Although the home government retains the veto 
power, the supreme jurisdiction and various other 
powers, and although apparently, by the appoint- 
ment of officials, its influence is guarded, practically 
the party management as exercised in Great Britain 
prevails, and independence from imperial influence 
and from the home government is continually in- 
creasing. In regard to the crownlands, including 
forests, this division as well as this relationship be- 
comes important. Each provincial government ex- 
cept those of the three middle provinces administers 
the crownlands within its boundaries in its own way, 
yet on similar lines, while the Dominion government 
controls only the lands located outside of the provinces 
together with those of the middle provinces and the 
so-called railway belt in British Columbia. These 
latter lands were mostly acquired by purchase from 
the Hudson's Bay Company, the Company relin- 
quishing its territorial rights in 1868, and the trans- 
fer being completed in 1870 upon payment of £300,000. 

414 Canada. 

1. Forest Conditions. 

The forest area has at various times and by various 
authorities been roughly estimated as between one and 
a quarter over one and three quarter miUion and 
square miles, which would make the forest per cent, 
at least over 32. But this includes the open wood- 
lands of the northern territory and of the prairies, 
which, while of great importance to the local settlers, 
are for the most part probably or surely not of com- 
mercial value. Commercially valuable forests, actu- 
ally or prospectively, are found almost only in British 
Columbia and in the old provinces, the two forest 
regions separated, just as in the United States, by 
a forestless region, except that north of the prairie 
region a continuous belt of open woodland extends 
to near the mouth of the Mackenzie River. A care- 
ful examination of the sources of information has led 
the writer to the conclusion that less than 350,000 
square miles or round 200 million acres would cover 
fully the commercially valuable forest land, although 
the wooded area of the provinces in which the com- 
mercial timber occurs is stated officially as around 
450 million acres, two-fifths of which is to be found 
in British Columbia. 

Indeed, although we are accustomed to look upon 
Canada as a great forest country, it really possesses 
about 60 per cent, less commercial forest area than 
the United States, and about one-quarter of the mature 
timber of that country. It will be understood that 
all such statistics are merely rough estimates, the 
data being slim, and eked out by conjectures based 

Forest Conditions. 415 

on geographical conditions which predicate the char- 
acter of the country. Most unreasonable speculations 
and calculations* as to amount of timber standing 
and value have been made on impossible assump- 

While by the change of standards and by local 
needs, forest areas may become commercially valuable 
which were not so considered before, and thereby the 
above figures may be eventually increased, from the 
standpoint of valuable lumber supply for the world 
trade, the above named area may be assumed to set 
the limit for the present. 

A computation based on slender information has 
placed the country with open woodlands in the central 
region as exceeding 280,000 square miles. The 
Director of Forestry estimated that 150,000 square 
miles of this area might contain nearly 200 billion 
feet merchantable timber. 

The southeastern territory south of the Height of 
Land was originally all densely wooded. From it a 
farm area of round 25 million acres has been cut out, 

♦As an instance, one statistician by mere mathematical figuring, namely, 
deducting the known crop and pasture area from the total land area would 
make the forest area of Quebec alone over 209 million acres. This includes 
the country north of the Height of Land, of 163 million acres, which by 
another mathematical calculation is made to be able to furnish over 65 billion 
feet of lumber, besides over 600 million cords of pulpwood and 370 million rail- 
road ties; but under present conditions, owing to topography and character of 
the timber it cannot be utilized and its commercial value is altogether proble- 
matic. This calculation would leave as really or po tentially available forest 
land south of the Height of Land 46 million acres in addition to o^er 5 
mlilion on farms. It is claimed that this forest area may still produce some 
110 biUion feet of coniferous and 1.5 billion feet of hardwoods, or 2500 feet to 
the acre. 

The chief of the provincial Forest Service lately made the forest area of the 
province 131 milHon acres, including 2 million acres of waste land. 

416 Canada. 

less than 7 per cent, of the land area included. Especi- 
ally the south-western half of Ontario, between the 
Great Lakes, which contains the most fertile land, is 
densely settled, as also the shores of the St. Lawrence. 
A large part of the remaining forest area is cut over 
and culled, especially for pine; the amount of White 
Pine remaining according to estimates made in 1895 
would now be less than 20 billion feet. Extensive 
areas have been turned into semi-barrens by repeated 

The Statistician of the Dominion in his report made 
in that year comes to the conclusion that *'the first 
quality pine has nearly disappeared" and that "we 
are within measurable distance of the time when, 
with the exception of spruce as to wood, and of British 
Columbia as to Provinces, Canada shall cease to be 
a wood exporting country." 

The composition in general is the same as that of 
the northern forest in the United States: hardwoods 
(birch, maple and elm prevailing) with conifers mixed, 
the latter, especially spruce, becoming occasionally 
pure. The nearly pure hardwood forest of the southern 
Ontario peninsula has been almost entirely supplanted 
by farms, and here, even for domestic fuel, coal, im- 
ported from the United States, is largely substituted 
for wood. Although White Pine, the most important 
staple is found in all parts of this forest region, the 
best and largest supplies are now confined to the 
region north of Georgian Bay. Unopened spruce and 
fir lands still abound especially in Quebec on the Gaspe 
peninsula and northward. Spruce forms also the 
largest share in the composition of the New Bruns- 

Forest Conditions. 417 

wick, Nova Scotia and Newfoundland forest, the 
pine in the first two provinces having practically 
been cut out. Extensive, almost pure Balsam Fir 
forest, fit for pulp wood, still covers the plateau of 
Cape Breton, while Prince Edward Island is to the 
extent of 60 per cent, cleared for agricultural use. 

Much of this Eastern forest area is not only culled 
of its best timber, but burnt over, and thereby deterio- 
rated in its composition, the inferior Balsam Fir ap- 
pearing in largest number in the reproduction. 

North of the Height of Land, in Ungava and west- 
ward, spruce continues to timber line, but, outside of 
narrow belts following the river valleys, only in open 
stand, branchy, and stunted, hardly fit even for pulp, 
for the most part with birch and aspen intermixed. 
This open spruce forest, interspersed among muskegs 
continues more or less to the northern tundra and 
across the continent to within a few miles of the 
mouth of the Mackenzie River and the Arctic Ocean, 
the White Spruce being the most northern species. 
In the interior, northern prairie belt, groves of aspen, 
dense and well developed, skirt the water courses and 
form an important wood supply. 

The forests of British Columbia partake of the 
character of the Pacific forest of the United States, 
the Coast Range along the coast for about 200 miles 
being stocked with conifers of magnificent develop- 
ment, Douglas Fir, Giant Arborvitse, Hemlock, Bull 
Pine and a few others, the Rocky Mountain range 
also of coniferous growth, pine and larch, but of in- 
ferior character, large areas being covered with 
Alpine Fir {Abies lasiocarpa) and Lodgepole Pine, 

418 Canada. 

Important as soilcover and for local use in the 
mining districts, but lacking in commercial value. 

If much of the forest area in the settled provinces is 
burnt over and damaged by forest fire, much more 
extensive destruction is wrought in this northern 
forest by fires sweeping annually over millions of 
acres unchecked, many of them said to be started by 
lightning. About 50 per cent, of this country is said 
to be fire-swept. 

Among the large notable forest fires the great 
Miramichi fire in New Brunswick in 1825 destroyed 
more than 6,000 square miles in a few hours. In 1880 
the loss by forest fires in the Ottawa valley alone was 
still estimated at $5,000,000 annually. In 1909, 
reports indicate over half a million acres burnt over 
in that year. 

The river systems of Eastern Canada, with the 
mighty St. Lawrence permitting sea-going vessels to 
come up to Montreal, have been most potent factors 
in the development of the lumber industry and export 
trade, without the need of railroads. Yet although, 
as a consequence this trade was early developed to a 
relatively large figure, it has not grown at as rapid a 
rate as might have been expected, and to-day with an 
export in excess of imports of less than 40 million 
dollars is considerably below that of the United 

The small export trade of earlier times, having been 
stimulated by exempting Canadian timber from pay- 
ing duties in the home country, or at least allowing 
it a preferential tariff, had by 1820 grown to 15 
million cubic feet, all squared timber, and sent to 

Export Trade. 419 

England. In 1830, it had crept up to only 20 million 
cubic feet, but by 1850, it amounted to over 50 million 
cubic feet, two-fifths of which was sawed material, 
the 2632 mills being reported by the Census (1851) 
as having cut 776 million feet B.M. By 1867, when 
the Dominion was formed, the total export of forest 
products had advanced in value to $18 million; the 
next decade, with a climax year in 1873 of $26 million, 
saw an increase to $20 million in the average, the 
proportion of sawn material being nearly three times 
that of hewn wood, and the entire cut of Ontario 
going to the United States. At that time it was com- 
puted that the waste of value in shipping square 
timber amounted for the province of Ontario alone 
still to over $350,000 annually. At present sawed 
lumber, deals, boards, planks, etc., form 70 per cent, 
of the total export. 

In the last 20 years a steady increase in exports at an 
average rate of about 3 per cent, per annum is noted, 
the total in 1903 culminating at nearly $41 million, 
but in the following year sinking to 36.7 million. In 
1910, the total export amounted to $53 million, 
against which an import of nearly $16 million is to 
be offset, nearly double what it was three years before. 
Adding wood manufactures, the net export must be 
increased by some $36 million. The bulk of the 
export goes, of course, to the United States. 
But, while exports of forest products thus increased 
absolutely, relatively to other exports they have con- 
siderably declined, i.e., the lumber industry has not 
grown proportionally to other developments, for 
while, in 1868, forest products formed 34 per cent, of 


420 Canada. 

the total export, in 1904 they represented only about 
half that figure. 

The same conclusion, namely that the lumber 
business has not increased rapidly in the last 25 years, 
may be derived from the report of the Decennial 
Census. While, for 1890, the total cut amounted to 
over 5 billion feet and its value to nearly $80 million, 
in 1900, the cut or at least the Census report fell below 
4 billion and its value to $53 million. In 1909, the 
total lumber cut was reported as 3.8 billion feet B. M. 
and its value $62.8 million. 

A measure of the depletion of the great staple White 
Pine is found in the statement that from 1865 to 1893 
the average size of pieces decreased by one-quarter to 
one-third, and that, in 1863, over 23 million cubic feet 
were exported from Quebec as against 1.5 million feet 
in 1904, while the price had more than quadrupled in 
that period. Spruce has here taken the place of pine, 
and Ontario is now the main producer of pine. Yet 
in 1909, the White Pine cut in amount almost equaled 
that of spruce, and in value exceeded it by 40 per cent. 
Spruce, and especially pulpwood, forms an ever in- 
creasing item in cut and export, export of pulpwood 
having increased sevenfold in the last decade, to 
nearly $2 million, and of woodpulp to over $4 

A notable economic improvement has taken place 
during the last ten or fifteen years in that the propor- 
tion of raw materials exported, especially logs and 
square timber, has decreased in favor of manufactures. 

While originally the home country took the bulk 
of exports of forest products, the cut of Ontario has 

Trade Conditions. 421 

been always, duty or no duty, sent almost entirely 
to the United States. In the last six or eight years, the 
export to the United States has been doubled, 
amounting now to about half of the total export, and 
as the States return of its own forest products largely 
in the form of manufactures to the extent of about 
6 million dollars worth, a balance of trade for the 
Canadian forest product of 12 million dollars is left. 

2. Ownership. 

When the French took possession of the country, 
all the land belonged to the king, and could be held 
by others only under feudal tenure, i.e., as a gift under 
obligation of counter service. The whole country was 
placed as a fief under the rule of the Hundred Associ- 
ates, a company which also exercised a trading and 
colonizing monopoly, but made no success, and was 
dissolved in 1663. It was then that Richelieu intro- 
duced the system of seigniorial tenure, the land being 
divided into portions of from 100 to 500 square miles, 
usually with a certain amount of river front, and given 
outright to younger noblemen, favorites of the court, 
and clerics, who were, however, obligated to subgrant 
to colonists, thereby becoming so many immigration 
agents. These not only treated their colonists as 
tenants, exacting rent and service, but exercised 
nearly absolute jurisdiction within their domains, 
the colonists becoming virtually serfs or retainers of 
the seigneurs. This condition continued until 1854, 
when an adjustment of rights was formulated by 
the Seigneurial Tenures Act, and the government 
aided the "habitans" to secure their freedom by 

422 Canada. 

indemnifying the seigneurs, or else by paying rent, 
which was done mostly. 

Under English rule, the granting of lands, without, 
however, the seignorial rights, was continued. In 
1784, such grants were made along the St. Lawrence 
and the Bay of Quinte to veterans of the loyalist army, 
some 20,000, in lots of 200 acres for privates up to 
5,000 acres for field officers. In 1791, every seventh 
section was ordered to be set aside as Clergy Reserves 
for the support of the Protestant Church, a measure 
which created much friction, and formed, especially 
in the Roman Catholic province of Quebec, a chief 
grievance in starting the Papineau rebellion of 1837. 
Some 3,300,000 acres were gradually withdrawn for 
this purpose, and as far as possible leased to secure an 
income. Some of these lands were sold after 1827, 
and finally, in 1853, a statute was passed to sell the 
remainder and turn over the proceeds to munici- 
palities for educational purposes and local improve- 

Extensive grants and sales were made to lumber- 
men and speculators. In this manner, by the granting 
of 13,000 acres to an American, Philemon Wright, 
in 1800, the great lumber industry of Ottawa was 
started, and, in 1836, another American syndicate 
secured about a million acres of grants. Out of the 
50 million acres granted in aid of railroad construc- 
tion, some portion must also have been in timber. 
By all these methods as well as by small grants and 
sales to settlers a large area of uncertain extent has 
become private property. 

In Nova Scotia, nearly the entire government do- 

Property Conditions. 423 

main has passed by grant and sale into private hands, 
some 6 million acres, one-half in small holdings. Of 
the lands remaining in the crown at least two-thirds 
is on barrens. Similarly, in Prince Edward Island, 
the 800 square miles of woodland remaining are almost 
wholly owned privately, the 14,000 acres of state land 
being, like most of the private property, stripped of 
its value. 

In New Brunswick over 1.6 million acres, mostly 
woodland (containing over 10 billion feet) was granted 
to the railway company and another million acres or 
so is in other private possession; a liberal disposal of 
lands having been continued until 1883, when about 
1% million acres of timber and waste land remained 
to the crown. 

In Quebec some 6 million acres are estimated as 
privately owned, mostly in woodlots on farms. In 
Ontario the private woodland area of commercial 
character may be over 5 million acres. 

Besides the large grants which were and still are 
probably to the greatest extent in timberlands, the 
farms in the various provinces, according to the Census 
of 1901, have from 22 to 57 per cent, in woodlots, or 
altogether probably in the neighborhood of 30 million 

The total area privately owned may then be placed 
at not to exceed, say 40 million acres, and the largest 
part of the forest area, is still crown lands, the govern- 
ment of the different provinces and the Dominion 
government in the territories and in the middle 
provinces administering them and deriving the 
revenue therefrom. This condition has prevailed 

424 Canada. 

since 1837, when the home government gave up its 
claim to land and revenues. 

The provincial ownership extends over about 500,000 
square miles. The Dominion government owns an 
area of 20,000 square miles in the railway belt of 
British Columbia, 20 miles on each side of the railway 
for 500 miles, which contains good timber, and some 
722,000 square miles of land in the middle provinces 
which contains practically only timber suitable for 
local use. 

3. Administration of Timberlands. 

In the development of ownership conditions, the 
realization of the valuable assets in timber growth 
had not been overlooked by the home government, 
care of supplies for naval construction giving, as in 
the United States, the first incentive to a conservative 
forest policy. 

Even under the early French rule, the grants of 
land were made under reservation of the oak timber 
fit for naval use, as is evidenced from a landgrant 
made in 1683. This reservation led to considerable 
friction as it hampered the colonists in making their 
clearings on the best lands. Later, the reservation 
was extended to include other timber needed for 
military purposes, and when the British occupation 
began, these established rights of the crown were 
not only continued, but reservations of larger 
areas for the timber were ordered, notably around 
and north of Lake Champlain. In 1763, and again 
in 1775, the home government ordered reservations 
to be set aside in every township. 

Early Administration of Timberlands. 425 

But the great timberwealth seemed so inexhaustible 
that the governors paid Httle attention to the wise 
instructions of the home government for the creation 
of reservations, and whatever regulations regarding 
the cutting of timber were made, failed to be strictly 
enforced. In 1789, the policy of reserving to the crown 
all the timber as far as not granted, and giving licenses 
to cut, was inaugurated; but not until 1826 was even 
the revenue feature strongly enough realized to at- 
tempt systematically to secure the benefit of it, 
namely by allowing anyone to cut timber "such as 
was not required for the navy" who would pay a 
fixed rate for what was cut; a surveyor-general of 
woods and forests being appointed to collect the 
timber dues with the aid of qualified "cullers" (1811). 
There was even an attempt made to prevent waste by 
doubling the rate of timber dues on all trees cut which 
would not square more than 8 inches; this restriction 
probably remained a dead letter for lack of super- 

Lumbermen, however, found it cheaper to buy the 
land, making only part payment, and after cutting 
the best timber, forfeiting the land; contractors who 
had the monopoly for cutting the timber for the royal 
navy cut also for their own account; corruption and 
graft pervaded the administration, which enriched 
its followers with the revenues obtained from the 
timber licenses and otherwise. The strong hand 
which, in the absence of a strong government, lumber- 
men were driven to use in order to protect themselves 
from piracy by their neighbors, or else to perpetrate 
such, brought about many bloody conflicts. The 

426 Canada. 

general maladministration of the so-called "Family 
Compact" besides other grievances, caused the revo- 
lution of 1837, which, although readily put down, led 
to the union of the provinces of Upper and Lower 
Canada in 1841, and to reform of the abuses. It was 
thefi, that, after the new governor -general, Lord 
Durham's admirable report on the situation, the home 
government turned over the administration (in part 
at least) and revenues of the crownlands to the several 
provincial governments. At that time in New Bruns- 
wick, v/here a thriving export trade had been early 
established the dues on $2 million worth of production 
were involved, and in Quebec and Ontario the income 
amounted to between $200,000 and $300,000. 

But even then, the immediate revenue, and not any 
concern for its continuation animated the adminis- 
tration of the public or crown forests. The free-hand 
sales for nominal sums were changed into licenses to 
cut, and in order to secure larger returns these were 
by and by put up at auction for competitive bids, the 
premium or "bonus" being paid for the limits, (i.e., a 
limited territory on which he holder or licensee had 
the exclusive right to cut), in addition to the fixed 
dues or charges per unit for the timber actually cut. 
Later, to discourage the holding of timber limits for 
a rise of prices, an annual cut of first 1,000, then 500 
feet per square mile of holdings was required. To 
still further accelerate the use of the licenses to cut, 
the Crown Timber Act of 1849 limited the license to 
one year, and provided for an eventual limit in size 
of the grants. All these provisions forced to more 
rapid cutting and overproduction, and depression in 

Timber Licenses. 427 

the lumber market was the result, the supply In 1847 
being 44 million feet to meet an export of 19 million. 

New rules were promulgated in 1851, introducing a 
ground rent system, a set price being paid per square 
mile of limit, and doubling the ground rent for unused 
Hmits each year. Needless to say, the impractica- 
bility of this geometric progression in ground rents 
became visible in a few years. 

The final present systems in the disposal of timber 
limits, varying in detail, were gradually perfected in 
varying manner by the several provincial governments, 
but the}/ agree in general principles, in that they 
grant limits for a certain time, some by the year, others 
by periods, usually 21 years, during which certain con- 
ditions as to establishment of mills and amount of 
manufacture without waste must be fulfilled, and a 
ground rent, a bonus, and timber dues for all timber 
cut are to be paid by the limit holder, details and 
prices varying and being changed from time to time. 
A diameter limit below which trees are not to be cut 
also mostly prevails. Lately, sales by the thousand 
feet B. M. have been inaugurated in Ontario, and 
sale by the mile is to be abandoned. 

As a rule licenses become negotiable and can be 
transferred upon paying a small fee per square mile. 

The governments reserving absolute rights to 
change conditions of this contract at any time, the 
interest of the licensee is to cut as fast as he can; 
other unsatisfactory conditions leading in the same 

A Department of Crown Lands in the Dominion 
government and in each province (in Nova Scotia the 

428 Canada. 

Attorney-General acting as head) administers the 
lands. Scalers or cullers attend to the measuring of 
the cut. The revenue derived by this system by all 
the provinces amounts now to round 4.5 million 
dollars per year, Ontario leading with about 20,000 
square miles now under license, (mostly pine), pro- 
ducing in 1910, $1,835,000 ; the yearly average for 
the decade ending 1910 was 1^ million dollars, 
and some 41 million dollars have altogether 
accrued since 1867; Quebec, with over 70,000 square 
miles under license, (mostly in spruce,) producing 
only about $700,000, nearly 30 million dollars 
having accrued during the 43 years, or at the rate 
of $418 per square mile, two-thirds of which from 

Since land for settlement is, as in the United 
States, obtainable by homestead and other en- 
tries, a good many fraudulent applications under 
guise of settlement have curtailed the revenue, 
until now closer scrutiny of the fitness of land for 
settlement is made. 

The retention of the lands by the government is 
naturally a feature which would permit and should 
have earlier induced conservative forestry methods, 
but the immediate revenue interest has had and still 
has a more potent influence than considerations of 
the future. 

4. Development of Forest Policy. 

The impetus to introduce conservative features 
seems to have largely come through the influence of 
the forestry movement in the United States, and, al- 

Development of Forest Policy. 429 

though, voices of prominent Canadians, Hke that of 
James and WlUIam Little, and Sir Henry Joly de 
Lotblnlere had been heard before In advocacy of a 
more far-seeing poHcy, the meeting of the American 
Forestry Congress at Montreal In 1882, (see p. 480) 
may be set as the date of the Inception of this move- 
ment in Canada. 

The definite result of that meeting was the inaugu- 
ration of forest fire legislation In the various provinces. 
In the Province of Ontario, the Fire Act of 1878, 
which had until then remained a dead letter, was Im- 
proved, In 1885, by Inaugurating a fire ranger system, 
in which limit holders pay one-half the cost of the 
rangers. The force of fire fighters, 37 in the first 
year was gradually increased until, in 1910, nearly 1000 
were employed at a cost of $300,000. In that year a 
change was made, the whole service including In- 
spection being charged against the limit holder. In 
New Brunswick, a fire law was passed in 1885, followed, 
in 1897, by the Introduction of the Ontario ranger 
system. In 1883, Nova Scotia passed a forest fire 
law, which, like that of Mew Brunswick, remained in- 
effective for lack of machinery; this was not provided 
until 1904, and since then has worked most satisfac- 
torily. Recently a forest survey of this Province was 
made. Quebec also enacted fire legislation in 1883, but 
did not provide means to carry It into effect until 1889. 
Since at first only $5,000 annually was allowed for 
its execution, and by 1901-2 not more than $7,226 
was expended for fire protection over an area of 40 
million acres, its effectiveness may be doubted. But 
in 1905, a special Forest-Protection Branch, with a 

430 Canada. 

Superintendent and a ranger system after the Ontario 
pattern was organized, and the service has become 
more effective. 

The need for more organized effort and advice led 
to the estabHshment of special bureaus of forestry. 
In Ontario, a Clerk of Forestry was established in the 
Department of Agriculture in 1883, and, in 1895, he 
was replaced by a Clerk in the Crown Lands De- 
partment, later named Director of Forestry (Mr. 
Thomas Southworth). This office,later,was changed to 
a Bureau of Forestry and Colonization, and a tech- 
nically educated man was appointed as Provincial 
Forester, with a view of developing a forest manage- 
ment, at least in the Reserves. This movement, 
however, soon collapsed for lack of appreciation; the 
office was transferred back to the Department of 
Agriculture, which does not control any timberiands, 
the Forester resigned, and the bureau was, finally, 
in 1907, restricted to the colonization work, the for- 
estry part being deliberately abandoned. 

Meanwhile the Province of Quebec pursued a more 
enlightened course. To control the cut, a Culler's 
office was established in 1842, which, however, only 
checked the square timber, then the principal ma- 
terial. In 1873, after various futile attempts to se- 
cure better supervision, a corps of forest rangers was 
created; but as they worked without organization 
the results were only partial until, in 1889, they were 
placed under seven chiefs or superintendents. In 
1897, the number of superintendents were reduced 
to one, but having to work with incompetent men, 
political appointees, this improvement in headship 

Development of Forest Policy. 431 

did not produce much result. In 1907, a re-organ- 
ization took place by introducing two professional 
foresters educated at government's expense at Amer- 
ican colleges of forestry who upon their return were 
employed to supply the technical supervision of 
cutting on licensed lands, and otherwise to forward 
forestry reforms. In 1910, the logical sequence oc- 
curred by placing the entire forest service except the 
protection against fire under one of these technical 
men as chief, with the other one as his assistant, and 
a corps of three civil engineers, 40 forest rangers and 
six scalers, besides 20 student assistants — the first 
organized provincial forest service in Canada, ad- 
ministered under the Superintendent of Woods and 
Forests in the Department of Crownlands.* 

In 1898, the Dominion government had also reco- 
gnized the need of more technical administration by 
instituting a Forestry Branch in the Department of 
the Interior under a superintendent with a view of 
developing improved methods. At first manned 
v/ithout technical advisers, who were, indeed, not in 
existence, gradually the professional element was in- 
troduced, and the scope of the Branch enlarged, the 
irrigation interests of the country being added. 
Under the able guidance of the present director — 
whose task under the political conditions surrounding 
it is not an easy one — this department may in a few 
years also become fully organized with technical men, 
of whom there are now seventeen employed, besides 
student assistants. 

These various government agencies and other 

* See Report of Canadian Forestry Convention, 1911. 

432 Canada. 

propaganda produced at least the important result of 
committing the governments to see the propriety of 
setting aside permanent forest reserves. 

The first movenemt in this direction was made in 
1893, and in 1895, the first Dominion reservations 
were made by Executive Order through the Minister 
of the Interior. These, to be sure, were located in 
the thinly timbered parts of the province of Manitoba, 
the Turtle Mountains and Riding Mountain, mainly 
for the protection of water supply. 

Several other similar reserves were set aside by the 
Minister, but to give more stability to these reserva- 
tions, an Act of Parliament was passed in 1906, de- 
claring their permanence and placing them, 3,380,000 
acres, under the administration of the Superintendent 
of Forestry. There are so far, some 26 Dominion 
Forest Reserves created, or in the act of creation, 
comprising an area of over 25,000 square miles. The 
Forestry Branch is making a brave beginning to sur- 
vey and manage these reserves under forestry prin- 

Of the provinces, Ontario was the first to recognize 
the principle of reservations in 1893, when a partially 
cut over, partially licensed territory of over one 
million acres was set aside as the Algonquin National 
Park in the Nipissing District, but the first definite 
establisnment of a forest reserve policy dates from the 
Forest Reserve Act, passed in 1898, which authorizes 
the Executive, as in the United States, to withdraw 
lands for reserves. Some eight reserves and two 
parks have so far been established, and the reserved 
area amounts to around 20,000 square miles. 

Forest Reservations. 433 

Of management on forestry lines on these reserves 
there is so far little to be heard, except an effort to 
keep fires out. 

Quebec has followed this example of Ontario, first 
by setting aside the Laurentides Park in the Saguenay 
region, (1,634,000 acres), which, like Algonquin Park, 
was more in the nature of a game preserve. During 
1906-7, however, under a law authorizing the Lieu- 
tenant Governor to set aside forest reserves, over 100 
million acres were placed in reserve. Apparently, 
however, no administration of this preserve in the 
forestry sense is as yet attempted. 

British Columbia, which until lately was only con- 
cerned in disposing of the well timbered crown- 
lands, after having disposed of the best parts, has 
placed under reservation the balance, and a forest 
commission of inquiry has been constituted to de- 
vise further measures in the interest of forestry. Its 
report, appearing in 1911, gives a very clear state- 
ment of conditions in the province and the promise 
of active organization of a better service. 

Of other attempts to foster forestry interests may 
be mentioned a law in Quebec, passed in 1882, provid- 
ing a bonus of $12 per acre for tree planting, which 
seems to have remained without effect; another, pro- 
viding for a diameter limit of 12 inches on the stump 
for pine and 9 inches for other kinds (these dimensions 
are now varied) inaugurated in 1888, may have 
preserved some young growth on the limits, although, 
since pulpwood is now the main product, and super- 
ion has been ins fficient, not much may be expected 
from such laws. Indeed, the chief of the forest 

434 Canada. 

service reports that 60% of the regeneration is of 
the inferior balsam fir. 

In Ontario, a very competent Commission was 
created in 1897, with a noted lumberman, Mr. Bert- 
ram as president, to formulate methods of reform; 
but the able report remained barren of results. 

The Dominion has been active in encouraging tree- 
planting in the prairies. The Agricultural Experi- 
ment Station at Ottawa not only set out object lessons 
by planting some 20 acres of sample plots, but for a 
number of years distributed plant material to settlers. 
This work was later taken over by the Forestry Branch 
and increased to a larger scale, some 85 acres being in 
nursery, and the distribution having grown to 15,- 
000,000 seedlings in 1910. 

Ontario, under the direction of its Department of 
Agriculture and In co-operation with the Agricultural 
College at Guelph, has lately embarked in two move- 
ments of amelioration, namely, establishing a State 
nursery from which plant material at cost, with 
advice as to its use, is given to farmers, and pur- 
chasing and reforesting waste lands In the agricultural 

Tariff legislation Is another means which Is in the 
hands of the Dominion government to be used for 
encouraging forest conservancy. It has, however, so 
far not been used directly for such purpose, fiscal and 
commercial policies being uppermost. But the prov- 
inces have in this respect helped themselves by en- 
couraging manufacture rather than export of raw m.a- 
terials, Ontario leading In this matter by prohibiting 
export of unmanufactured logs from Crownlands in 

Educatiofial Facilities. 435 

1898. Other provinces impose an export duty on 
pulpwood cut on crownlands, as does also Ontario. 

At present writing, a reciprocity agreement with 
the United States is under contemplation, which 
would admit wood products from Canada free of 
duty — an arrangement which whatever its commer- 
cial advantages bodes no good for a conservative 
forest policy. 

Meanwhile private limit holders, here and there, 
had begun to see the need of conservative methods, 
and by 1908, at least two large Paper and Pulp con- 
cerns had placed foresters in charge of their logging 

5. Education. 

Until 1900, associated effort to advance forestry in 
Canada had relied on the international American 
Forestry Association. In that year, largely through 
the officials of the Dominion Forestry Branch (Mr. 
E. Stewart), the Canadian Forestry Association was 

This Association has grown more and more vigor- 
ous, and having escaped the period of sentimentalism 
which in the United States retarded the movement so 
long, could at once accentuate the economic point of 
view and bring the lumbermen into sympathy with 
their effort. In 1905, a quarterly magazine, the 
Canadian Forestry Journal was started by the Asso- 
ciation, making its work of instruction and propa- 
ganda more effective. The technical literature, as 
yet slightly developed is found mainly in Bulletins of 
the Forestry Branch. 


436 Canada. 

A most promising convention held in January 1906, 
with the Premier of the Dominion presiding, partici- 
pated by prominent officials and business men, 
seemed to foreshadow the time when a real rational 
forest management, at least in some parts of the 
Dominion would be inaugurated. 

But it can hardly be said that the expectations 
were realized, and another such convention was held in 
1911, which may perhaps be followed by better results. 

In 1909, following the precedent of the United 
States, a Conservation Commission was appoin- 
ted for the Dominion under federal support, 
manned by the leading officials and prominent repre- 
sentative men from all provinces, and here the for- 
estry interests may find at least educational advance- 
ment. The first two years of the existence of this 
Commission have, however, produced little advance- 

While the Ontario government had directly dis- 
credited the forestry movement by abolishing its 
bureau of forestry, indirectly it laid the foundation 
for a sure future, in 1907, by establishing in its pro- 
vincial University at Toronto a Faculty of Forestry, 
with full equipment. A year, later the Province of 
New Brunswick also established a chair of forestry 
in its University, while some time earlier, the Guelph 
Agricultural College had introduced the subject of 
farm forestry in its curricula. The latest develop- 
ment in educational direction is the forest school 
organized in 1910 by the government of Quebec in 
connection with its forest service for the purpose of 
educating its own agents. 


Newfoundland, probably the first discovery of 
America by the Norsemen, remained a mere fishing 
station until modern times, and, except for the open 
coast, unknown as regards the wooded interior, which 
was supposed to be largely barren. It became a 
possession of Great Britain in 1713. Development 
did not begin until 1880 when the first railroad was 
built, and has progressed more rapidly since the New- 
foundland Railway traversing the entire island was 
opened in 1898. It was found that, while the shores 
and a considerable part of the West and South coast 
are barren or poorly timbered, and on the interior 
plateau large moss barrens exist, there are extensive 
timber areas of mixed growth, White and Red Pine, 
Balsam and Spruce, with White Birch. A lumber in- 
dustry, which by 1904 had grown up to probably not 
less than 100 million feet, is rapidly extending over 
the whole island, and an extensive paper pulp in- 
dustry is preparing to establish itself, on timber 
limits under a license system similar to that applied 
in other parts of Canada. Some 5000 square miles 
are now under license. Forest fires have repeatedly 
devastated large areas, especially in 1904. The ex- 
perience of that year led to the enactment of a forest 
fire law, but without any agency to make it effective. 

No forest policy exists, except the commercial 
restriction of the license system. A forestry asso- 
ciation has lately been formed. 


Under the influence of the Indian forest service, or 
stimulated by its success, some of the other British 
Colonial governments in Africa and Australia have 
attempted and sometimes succeeded in establishing a 
forest policy. 

Of East Indian territories, Ceylon^ the nearest 
neighbor to India, with over 25,000 square miles, of 
which 42 per cent, wooded, mostly with second growth 
forest of small value, attempted long ago an organi- 
zation with the aid of Indian foresters, but by 1900 
had of over 10,000 square miles only 431 in reserves, 
in addition to nearly 1800 acres planted. One Con- 
servator and 8 Assistant Conservators produce a net 
revenue of less than $30,000, there being an import of 
$250,000 necessary to eke out the wood requirements 
of the 3.5 million people. 

The Straits Settlement, an area of 1526 square miles, 
had, by 1900, a reserved state forest area of 138 square 
miles under an experienced Indian forest officer. 
Gutta percha, rubber and gums are here the most 
valuable products. 

The Federated Malay States, with 26,350 square 
miles, and heavily wooded, after a report by the In- 
dian Inspector-General, have begun to reserve forest 

Africa. . 439 

areas, some 100,000 acres having been set aside, 
which are administered by the Conservator of the 
Strait Settlement's reserves. 

The government of the island of Cyprus also em- 
ploys a forest officer and guards to look after its 700 
square miles of forest. 

In Africa, during the last few years small forest 
departments have been established by the govern- 
ments of the Soudan, East Africa, Nigeria, Transvaal, 
Orange River and Natal, mostly for the purpose of 
planting on the treeless plains. 

The government of Mauritius had made attempts 
at conservancy for many years, but without notable 

The most successful attempt in Africa so far is 
reported from Cape Colony, which as early as 1819 
had a Superintendent of Lands and Woods, and in 
1876, a Department of Forests and Plantations, 
neither of which have left much of record. 

In 1881, a new forest department under a French 
forest officer was started, which has grown until now 
its consists of one Conservator (D. E. Hutchins), 
22 Assistant Conservators, 84 European foresters, 
and a few native guards. In 1888, the needed leg- 
islation was had for regulating the working of the 
nearly half million acres of forest area, which, in 1902, 
was declared inalienable government property. Since 
the wood imports amount to over two million and a 

440 British Colonies. 

quarter dollars annually, the need of conservative use 
is appreciated especially as climatic conditions are un- 
favorable to reproduction. Some 24,000 acres have 
been planted during 22 years, at a cost of $1,500,000, 
the first plantations beginning to yield a substantial 
revenue, and it is believed that another 40,000 acres of 
such plantations would supply all the timber needed 
in the Colony. Treeplanting by private land owners 
and municipalities is encouraged by furnishing ad- 
vice gratis and plant material at low cost, and to mu- 
nicipalities in addition government aid is extended to 
the extent of half the cost of planting. 

The seven Australian colonies are very variously 
situated regarding timber supplies, three of them, 
Queensland, Western and South Australia being 
poorly wooded, the others more or less heavily for- 
ested, especially Tasmania with 65 per cent., and 
New Zealand with 31 per cent. Generally speaking 
the forest areas are confined to the coast in narrower 
and wider belts, the interior being forestless or with 
scrubby growth. This portion is large enough to 
reduce the total forest per cent, to less than 6.5. 
The mountains and hill ranges facing the Eastern, 
Southern and Western coasts are especially heavily 
wooded with magnificent Eucalypts, Jarrah and Karri 
while the Kauri pine is the most valuable tree in 
New Zealand. 

The one successful attempt at a forest policy was 
made by the almost forestless colony of South Aus- 
tralia, which in 1882 reserved its scanty forest area 
of 217,000 acres and started to plant, (now 13,000 

Australia. 441 

acres planted), employing a Conservator and six 

In the other colonies at various times unsuccessful 
beginnings were made, and there exist in Queensland, 
New South Wales, and Victoria so-called Forest 
Branches or departments, but mostly without power 
or equipment, and no intelligent conception of forest 
policy seems practically to exist. 

In Queensland, since 1897, the Governor in Council 
may reserve forest lands and regulate the cutting by 
diameter limit. One and a half million acres have 
been reserved, but no staff for administration exists. 

In New South Wales six million acres were with- 
drawn from settlement, but it is mostly used for pas- 
ture, and withdrawal may be revoked at any time. 
No effective system of control exists. 

In Victoria five and a half million acres have been 
declared reserves under act of 1890, nearly half the 
forest area. There exists a forest department of one 
Conservator, two Inspectors and 25 Foresters, but no 
plan of management. Four State nurseries of doubt- 
ful value seems the whole result. 

The other colonies still merely exploit their forest 
resources under loosely managed license systems, 
without even an inefficient attempt at intelligent 


The modernization of this remarkable island em- 
pire of Niphon (the native name), which began in 
1868, included the organization of a forest department 
after German models. Curiously enough, there are 
other noteworthy points of similarity to be found in 
the historic development of forestry in Germany and 

The empire comprises four larger islands — Kiushiu, 
Shikoku, Hondo or Honshiu, and Hokkaido or Yesso 
— and a host of smaller ones, stretching in a chain of 
nearly 3,000 miles north and south along the Asiatic 
shore, the width of land being nowhere over 200 miles. 
It comprises an area of nearly 150,000 squares miles, 
with a population approximating 50 million, largely 
engaged in fisheries and other sea industries. 

Forestry of Japan, 1904, published by the' Imperial Bureau of Forestry in 
cormection with the Louisiana Purchase Exposition, and a reprint with ad- 
ditions in 1910, contains most of the information utilized above. 

Aus den Waldungen Japan's, by Dr. Heinrich Mayr, 1891, gives a full 
account of the forest geography, which is also to be found in J. J. Rein, Japan, 

Der Wald in Japan, an article by Dr. Hefele in Forstwissenschaftliches 
Centralblatt, 1903, gives an insight into forest conditions from the point of 
view of a forester. 

A very clear analysis of the development of property rights is to be found 
in an article by Dr. Zentaro Kawase in AUgemeine Forst-und Jagdzeitung, 

An article in Zeitschrift fiir Forst-und Jagdwesen from the pen of Prof. 
H. Matsuno, the first professional forester of Japan, gives a brief account of 
the development of forestry, especially in earlier times. 

A report by Special Canadian Trade Commissioner W. T. R. Preston, 1908, 
contains valuable statistics on the lumber trade. 

Physiography. 443 

The islands are of volcanic origin — part of the 
"girdle of fire" which reaches from the Alaska pen- 
insula through the Philippines to the Antilles — with 
many active craters, subject to frequent disastrous 
earthquakes and tidal waves; mountainous, with 
numerous ranges of high hills and with lofty central 
ridges, with numerous short rivers, apt to turn into 
treacherous torrents, while hurricanes and water- 
spouts, typhoons and equinoctial gales sweep the 
surrounding seas frequently. 

The soil is nowhere particularly fertile, but the 
patient and painstaking labor of the Japanese has 
brought every available foot of it — little more than 
10% is arable — into producing condition, wherever 
the climate compensates for the infertility, especially 
in the most densely populated part, the southern half 
of Hondo. 

Extending through 30 degrees of latitude, the 
climate naturally varies from the tropical one of 
Formosa, through all variations of the temperate, to 
the alpine one of the high mountains and the nearly 
arctic one of the Kurile islands. The Japan current 
skirting the eastern coast, and the mountain ranges, 
with elevations generally not exceeding 6,000 feet, oc- 
casionally up to over 13,000 feet, which cut off the 
dry continental west winds, also produce great 
climatic variations between east and west coasts. In 
general, however, the climate of the whole empire 
is characterized by a high percentage of relative 
humidity and ample rainfall, especially during the 
hot season, producing luxuriant growth. 

444 Japan. 

1. Forest Conditions, and Oivnership. 

Due to these great variations in climate, four cli- 
matic regions being differentiated, the forest flora of 
Japan almost rivals in variety that of the United 
States, with over 200 deciduous, and more than 30 
coniferous species of size (besides a large number of 
half-trees), although not more than some 50 or 60 are 
of silvicultural importance, and not more than 10 
or 12 species form the basis of forest management and 
of the lumber trade, which requires some two billion 
cubic feet annually, and supports an export of over 
six million dollars. The value of the total cut was, 
in 1907, placed at over 17 million dollars, of which six 
million was to the credit of the State Treasury. 

In the tropical districts, bamboos form the main 
stai)le; in the subtropical region, the most densely 
populated and hence also almost forestless, the broad- 
leaf evergreens, especially several species of oak, fur- 
nish desirable fuel wood, and two species of pine are 
most valued for timber, one, the Red Pine (P. dcnsi- 
flora) extending its realm rapidly over waste areas; 
camphor tree and boxwood furnish ornamental wood. 

The region of temperate forest furnishes, out of over 
60 species, some 14 conifers and 19 broadleaf trees of 
value, the former mainly of the cedar tribe, with 
Chamaccyparis obtusa and Cryptomcria japonica the 
most widely used, while of the broadleaf species, 
which occupy more than 50 per cent, of the forest 
area, Zclkowa keaki. of the elm tribe, a chestnut, a 
beech, several oaks, a walnut, and an ash count among 
the most useful. 

Forest Conditions. 445 

Spruce, Fir, and White Birch are the trees of the 
northern forest. 

Mixed forest forms 45%, broadleaf 25%, conifer 
21%, and 9% is rated as blank or thinly stocked. 

The forest area, which, over the whole, covers, 
with the addition of the newly acquired island of 
Saghalien, 67% of the land area, or around 75 million 
acres (IX acres per capita), is quite unevenly distri- 
buted according to topography and population, be- 
ing mostly confined to the mountain ranges and hills 
which form the backbone of the country, and to the 
northern provinces, which contain still large, un- 
touched areas. Hokkaido, which was opened up to 
colonization only 35 years ago, now with a population 
of only 20 to the square mile, has 63% of forest, 15 
acres per capita; the northern part of Hondo has a 
somewhat greater area per cent., mostly on the high 
steep mountains, but only 1.2 acres per capita; on 
the southern portion, the low ranges of hills and valleys 
the forest area has been reduced to 53%, but shows 
only three-quarter acre per capita; and Okinawa, 
with 26%, and less than one-third acre per capita, 
shows the lowest. 1 

Of this forest area, however, almost one-half is 
"hara," brush forest, chaparral, or dwarfed tree 
growth — the result of mismanagement, excessive 
cutting and fires — and in the southern districts, 
impenetrable thickets of dwarf bamboo, which crowd 
out tree and even shrub growth wherever such mis- 
management gives it entrance. These extensive haras 
are cut every two or five years for the brush, which is 
used to cover and furnish manure for rice fields. 

446 Japan. 

Fire, which, until lately, ran over 5 or 6 million 
acres annually, and ruthless cutting, have in the past 
and are still deteriorating the forest area. 

Grassy prairie and barrens due to natural conditions 
are not absent, and are due to excessive drainage 
through loose coarse-grained rock soil; they are found, 
not extensively, at the foot of volcanoes, and on highest 
elevations. The differentiation of land areas is not 
quite certain. In 1894, there was still 30.5% of 
grassy prairie reported, but some of this, no doubt, 
was forested, probably one-half. 

The bulk of the forest area is owned by the State and 
the Imperial Household. Communal forests are esti- 
mated to aggregate,in 1904, somewhat over four million 
acres (7.5%), in 1910 reported as 11%, and private 
property some 18 million (26%; in 1910, 22%) leav- 
ing 30 million for the State and for Imperial or Crown 
forest (66%), the latter comprising some 5.5 million 

These figures are liable to variation, due to sales of 
the latter class, and to adjustments of the somewhat 
obscure property rights. 

The ownership by the State and a conservative 
use of the mountain forest is necessitated by the 
protective value of the forest cover, the cultivation 
of the extensive rice fields being dependent upon ir- 

2. Development of Forest Policy. 

The history of Japan dates back to 660 B.C., when 
the empire was founded on the island of Kiushiu by 
the warrior king Jimmuteno. He established a kind 

Early Conditions. 447 

of feudal government, with the daimios (knights or 
barons) holding their fiefs from the mikado, who was 
considered the sole owner of the soil, or at least all 
exercise of ownership rights emanated from him. 
Private property seems then not to have existed at 
all, the people having merely rights of user. Coloni- 
zation of the islands brought under the mikado's 
dominion progressed rapidly, and with it, not only 
arable portions but even mountains were de- 

With the beginning of the Christian era, the need 
of better protection against floods seems to have been 
recognized, and, in 270 A.D., we find the first forest 
official appointed, a son of the royal house, who with 
assistants was to regulate the use of the forest pro- 
perty, which, under the rights of user granted by the 
mikado, was being excessively exploited and devasted. 

In the fifth century, the feudal method of giving 
fiefs of land and forest to the deserving vassals had 
come generally into vogue, and later, with the rise 
of Buddhism, forests were assigned to the temples 
and priests, who, as in Germany the monks, were 
assiduous in cultivating and utilizing them. 

Soon the daimios, similarly to the barons in Ger- 
many, began to assert exclusive property rights, and, 
notwithstanding various edicts, issued from time to 
time to secure free use to the people, more and more 
of the forest area was secured by daimios, and by 
priests as temple forests. 

In the ninth century, deforestation and excessive 
exploitation had so far progressed that not only the 
need of protecting watersheds was recognized by 

448 Japan, 

edicts, but fear of a timber famine led even to planting 
in the provinces of Noto. 

A period of internal strife and warfare during the 
following centuries which left forest interest in the 
background, led, in 1192, to the establishment of the 
rule of the shoguns, the hereditary military repre- 
sentatives of the mikado, who made him a mere 
figurehead, and exercised all the imperial functions 
themselves, until the revolution of 1868 restored the 
mikado to his rights. 

The effort at conservative forest use was renewed 
with increased harshness when, after a period of 
warfare and devastation, the great shogun family 
of Tokugawa (1603) assumed the rule of the empire, 
enforcing the restrictive edicts with military severity. 
Even at that early age, the protective influence of 
forest cover on soil and waterflow was fully recognized, 
and a distinction of open or supply forest and closed 
or protection forests seems to have been made, the 
latter being placed under the ban of the emperor or 
shogun, and withdrawn from utiHzation. The ex- 
tensive forests of the province of Kiso, the best 
remaining, owe their preservation to these efforts. 
The daimios, 260 in number, each in his district, en- 
forced the edicts in their own way, giving rise thereby 
to great differences in forest administration; yet in 
the absence of technical knowledge, deterioration con- 
tinued. The severity of punishments for depredations 
etc., reminds us of those of the German Markgenossen, 
a hand or finger being the penalty for theft, death by 
fire that for incendiaries. 

The idea of protecting or reserving certain species of 

Early Practices. 449 

trees, which was practiced in India by the rajahs, we 
find here again in the beginning of the 18th century, the 
number of such protected species varying from one to 
seven and even fifteen in different districts. Another 
unique and pecuHar way of encouraging forest cul- 
ture was to permit peasants who made forest plan- 
tations in the State forests, to bear a family name, a 
right which was otherwise reserved to the knights or 
samurli, or to wear a double-edged sword like the 
latter. Arbor days were also instituted, memorial 
days and festivities, as at the birth of children, being 
marked by the planting of trees. 

While in Germany the love of hunting had led to the 
exclusion of the people from the forests, in Japan it 
was a question of conserving wood supplies that dic- 
tated these policies. 

It is claimed that to these early efforts is due the 
preservation of the remaining forests. But, while 
this may be true in some instances, as in the province 
of Kiso, more probably their distance from centers of 
consumption and their general inaccessibility pre- 
served those of Hokkaido and of the northern moun- 
tains. Certainly the brush forests south of Tokyo 
do not testify to great care. 

The detested shogunate was abolished in 1867 by a 
revolution which brought the mikado to his rights 
again and crushed the power of the daimios, whose 
fiefs were surrendered, and their acquisitions of for- 
est property, as well as (a few years later) those of the 
priests, were declared State property, with the excep- 
tion of some which were recognized as communal 

450 Japan. 

Similar to the experiences of France, the distur- 
bances in property conditions, which imphed instan- 
taneous loss by the people of all rights of user in the 
State property as well as removal of all restrictions 
from private and communal properties, led to whole- 
sale depredations from the State domain, and to wide- 
spread deforestation and devastation, an area of a 
million acres of burnt waste near Kofu, west of Tokyo, 
testifying to the recklessness of these times. 

Without any force to guard property rights, steal- 
ing on an extensive scale, similar to past experiences 
in the United States, with the accompanying waste- 
fulness, became the order of the day, and is even now 
not uncommon. 

A first provisional administration of State forests 
was inaugurated, and a forest reconnaissance ordered 
in 1875 in order to secure insight into the mixed-up 
property relations, and restore to their rightful 
owners such portions as had been wrongly taken by 
the State. 

In 1878, the State forests were placed under a 
special bureau organized by Matsuno, who had studied 
forestry in Germany (Eberswalde) for five years. 
But it was not academic knowledge that was needed 
in the situation ; it was necessary first to mould 
public opinion in order to secure means for adminis- 
trative measures. 

This he set himself to do through public addresses 
and pamplets, and by organizing a society of friends 
of forest culture, and finally, in 1882, by establishing 
an experiment station at Nishigahara, and, a year 
later, a dendrological school, which four years later 

Early Practices. 451 

was combined with the agricultural school at Komaba; 
five years later both were joined to the University of 

With the transfer of the forestry bureau to the De- 
partment of Agriculture and Commerce in 1881, and a 
reorganization in 1886, a new era seemed to be prom- 
ised, yet a substantial progress in organized forest 
management of the State property does not seem to 
have been made for another decade at least, the slow 
progress being largely due to lack of personnel and 
the continuance of mixed property conditions, which 
involved not only uncertainty of boundaries, but also 
mixed ownerships. 

Although this last trouble, namely of mixed owner- 
ship by State and private individuals, had been recog- 
nized as inimical to good management, it was deliber- 
ately increased by the law of 1878 in a curious way, 
reviving an old custom, namely by permitting private 
inviduals to plant up clearings in the State forests; in 
this way, these individuals secured a certain percen- 
tage, usually 20 per cent., of the eventual profits aris- 
ing from the results. Some 200,000 acres were 
planted under this arrangement. 

To remove the boundary difficulty, a survey of the 
boundaries of State property and adjustment of 
property rights, as well as segregation of the State 
lands to be disposed of, namely small lots and others 
not needed, was ordered in 1890. 

It was then also that the first provisional working 
plan for the fellings on State lands was elaborated, 
and gradually with the progress of the survey, more 
permanent plans were adopted for district after district. 


452 Japan. ■ 

By 1899, the adjustment had progressed far enough 
to begin the restoration of properties, which the State 
had improperly claimed, to their proper owners. It 
was then also that the Imperial forests, intended for 
the support of the Imperial household, were increased 
to about 5 million acres. 

Meanwhile, the personnel had increased in numbers 
and improved in character. In 1904, the organization 
of the forestry bureau under the Minister of Agri- 
culture and Commerce, arranged somewhat after 
German models, consisted of one director and four 
forest commissioners with ten clerks, forming the 
head office; the sixteen districts into which the State 
forests were divided were presided over by 32 con- 
servators and 80 inspectors, while 325 district officers 
with 880 assistants and 626 guards, altogether over 
1,800 employes, formed the field force. In 1910, 
the number had increased to 2500, mainly by ad- 
ditional rangers. This organization applies to the 
State forests under control of the Department of 
Agriculture. Strangely enough, those in Saghalien, 
Hokkaido and Formosa are not under that department, 
but under the supervision of the Minister of Home 
Affairs, and are merely exploited, while the Imperial 
forests are under the Household Department. In 
1907, only 7 per cent of the State forests were under 
working plans. 

The need of supervision of the ill-managed private 
and communal forests, mostly located near, the set- 
tled portions, early attracted the attention of the new 
regime, mainly on account of their protective value. 
Annual losses through floods to the amount of four 

Protection, Forest and Waste Land Planting. 453 

million dollars, and similar losses due to unchecked 
forest fires gave the incentive to the passage of a law, 
in 1882, simply forbidding all forest use in protection 
forest, which simple prescription evidently did not 
work until a further revision was made in 1897. This 
latter does not confine itself to legislation for protec- 
tion forests alone, but also authorizes the supervision 
of supply forests, under the special control of the local 
governors. Under this law, which also extended the 
assistance of local authorities to would-be planters, 
aided by reforms in the corporation system, remark- 
able activity in planting waste lands ensued, so that 
in the next two years not less than one million acres 
of communal property was set out with trees, number- 
ing over 800 million, while in the State forests, some 
400,000 acres of vacant land had been planted by 1970. 
Some sand dune planting and reboisement works are 
also the result of this legislation. Further legislation 
more closely defining State control was had in 1907. 

In connection with this planting, it may be of inter- 
est to record the attitude of Japanese foresters toward 
natural regeneration: "This is no longer popular in 
these days when the knowledge of forest management 
possessed by foresters has become highly developed, 
for if that method is the easiest and least troublesome, 
nevertheless it is not advisable, in view of the neces- 
sity of effecting a thorough improvement in our sil- 
vicultural conditions. Only on steep slopes and for 
protection forests is it applicable." 

In 1897, also, some eight experiment stations were 
organized, in addition to the earlier one at Nishigahara 
organized, in 1882, by Matsuno. 

454 Japan. 

Education in forestry has lately run riot in Japan as 
it has in the United States. Since the first school, or- 
ganized in 1882, not less than 62 institutions had 
seen the need of offering the opportunity to become 
acquainted with that subject. By 1910, these had 
been reduced to 47. Here, however, different grades 
are frankly acknowledged. There are three collegiate 
institutions whose diploma admits to the higher ser- 
vice, four are of secondary grade, nineteen give special 
courses, and the rest treat the subject merely as a 
subsidiary of a practical education including agri- 
culture, stock-farming and fishery. A ranger school, 
which was instituted under Matsuno's guidance, 
controlled by the forestry bureau, came to an end 
during the Russian war for lack of funds, but has 
probably been revived again. 

A forestry association now with 4000 members 
carries on propaganda and publishes a magazine, and 
co-operative associations among small owners to 
facilitate better management are being formed under 
the law of 1907. 

In conclusion, we may say that Japan has done 
wonders in reorganizing its forestry system in a short 
time, but, according to one competent observer, 
while all the Japanese care for detail and love for 
orderliness is apparent in the office, not all that is 
found on paper is to be found as yet in the woods, 
and that, for similar reasons as have been indicated 
for Russia ; many things happen in the woods that are 
not known in the office. 


The latest move in forest reform In this part of the 
world, as a result of Japanese influence, is to be re- 
corded from Korea. Indeed, in 1910, Japan annexed 
Korea, and will doubtless apply her own methods in 
the new province. The forest area of Korea com- 
prises only about 2,500,000 acres, out of an area of 
nearly 53 million acres of very mountainous country. 
A concession for the exploitation of the northern for- 
ests to a Russian, which included the re-planting with 
** exotic" tree species, was the immediate cause of 
the Russo-Japanese war. In 1907, by co-operative 
arrangements with Japan, a conservative forest 
policy was to be inaugurated by laws similar to 
those of Japan. 

Drouth, floods and erosion of soils have been com- 
mon experiences. The preservation of forest cover, 
especially at the headquarters of the Yalu and Tumen 
in the northern part of the country, is aimed at. 

For this purpose the government has taken all 
forests under its care. All private owners or lease 
holders must report their holdings and have their 
property listed, and in case of failure to do so the 
property is forfeited. The government may then ex- 
propriate, or else regulate the cutting, or, where pro- 
tective functions of the forest cover require it, may 
forbid cutting altogether. 

A forestry school is also part of the program. 


The great and exuberant republic of the United 
States, vast in extent and rich in natural resources 
generally, excelled and still excels in extent, im- 
portance and value of her timber resources; and, 
having only lately begun to inaugurate rational forest 
policies, promises to become of all-absorbing inter- 
est to foresters. 

The marvelous growth of the nation, which from 
three million in 1780 had attained to a population of 
76 million in 1900, and, by the last Census numbered 
around 92 million people, has been the wonder of 
the world by reason of its rapid expansion ; and yet 
the limit is far from being reached. Annually some 
three-quarters of a million or more immigrants from 
all parts of the world arrive, and there is still room and 
comfortable Hving for at least another 100 million, 
if the resources are properly treated. 

The large land area of nearly two billion acres (over 
three million square miles) is undoubtedly the richest 
contiguous domain of such size in the world, located 

Report upon Forestry, 1878-9, by Dr. F. B. Hough; contains references to 
the earlier history of forest development. 

History of the Luinber Industry, by J, E. Defebaugh, 1906-7; is valuabla as 
a reference to statistical matter. 

Report upon Forestry Investigations of the United States Department of 
Agriculture, 1877-1898, by B. E. Fernow. House Document No. 181, 55th 
Congress; contains amplifications of the matter contained in this chapter. 

Annual and other reports issued by the Department of Agriculture, by the 
various State Forest Commissions, and Forestry Associations. 

For latest developments, consult Conservation {American Forestry) and 
Forestry Quarterly. 

General Conditions. 457 

most favorably with reference to trade by virtue of a 
coast line of over 20,000 miles, and diversified in climate 
so as to permit the widest range of production. 

While a simple mathematical relation would make 
the population at present about 31 to the square 
mile, such a statement would give an erroneous con- 
ception of economic conditions, for the distribution 
of the population is most uneven, a condition which 
must eventually diversify the application of forestry 
methods in different parts of the country. In Massa- 
chusetts and Rhode Island combined, for instance, the 
density of population is 428 to the square mile, ex- 
ceeding that of the similar -sized State of Wiirtem- 
berg in Germany, while in the neighboring State of 
Maine it is not 25 ; the Atlantic Coast States south of 
South Carolina, a territory slightly larger than Ger- 
many, show about half, and the Central agricultural 
States about one-third the density of that densely 
populated country; on the other hand, some of the 
Western States, Montana, Wyoming, Nevada, Ari- 
zona, and New Mexico have less than three to the 
square mile. 

Similar unevenness is found in the distribution of 
resources, especially of timber wealth, and, to some 
extent at least, the present populational distribution 
is explained by the uneven distribution of farm soils 
and timber. 

Outside of the unorganized territory of Alaska and 
the disfranchised District of Columbia, the country 
is divided into 46 States and two Territories which 
will eventually acquire statehood. In addition, there 
are a number of insular possessions under the direct 

458 United States. 

control of the federal government. Each State being 
under the Constitution sovereign in itself as far as its 
internal administration is concerned, it is evident that 
no uniformity of policies can be expected, except so 
far as imitativeness, in which the American citizen 
excels, may lead State after State to repeat the ex- 
periment attempted by one. The federal govern- 
ment has no direct jurisdiction in matters concerning 
the management of resources within the States, ex- 
cept so far as it still owns lands in the Western, so- 
called Public Land States, and a few parcels in the 
Eastern States over which it still retains jurisdiction. 
The severest test of democratic institutions is ex- 
perienced when the attempt is made to establish a 
policy w^hich shall guard the interests of the future at 
the expense of the demands and needs of the present. 
Democracy produces attitudes and characteristics 
of the people which are inimical to stable economic 
arrangements looking to the future, such as are im- 
plied in a forest policy. The vast country with an 
unevenly distributed and heterogeneous population 
presents the greatest variety of natural, as well as of 
economic conditions; the immediate interests of one 
section naturally do not coincide with those of other 
sections; particularistic and individualistic tendencies 
of the true democrat are antagonistic to anything 
which smaks of " paternalism, " the attitude 
under which alone a persistent, farsighted policy can 
thrive. Frequent change of administration, or at 
least the threat of such change, impedes consistent 
execution of plans; fickle public opinion may subvert 
at any time well laid plans which take time in maturing; 

General Conditions. 459 

the true democratic doctrine of restricting State ac- 
tivity to police functions, and the doctrine of non- 
interference with private rights, as well as the idea of 
State rights in opposition to federal power and author- 
ity — all these characteristics of a democratic govern- 
ment are im.pediments to a concerted action and 
stable policy. 

That, in spite of these antagonistic interests, con- 
ditions and doctrines, substantial progress toward 
establishing at least a federal forest policy has been 
made, is due to the fact that the American, in spite 
of his reputation as a materialistic, selfish oppor- 
tunist, is really an idealist; that he responds readily 
to patriotic appeals; that, in spite of his rabid na- 
tionalism, he is willing to learn from the experiences 
of other nations; that, indeed, he is anxious to be 
educated. Finally, much credit is due to the men 
who with single purpose devoted their lives to 
the education of their fellow citizens in this 

It must, to be sure, be added that remarkable 
changes in the political attitude of the people have 
taken place in the last 30 years since the propaganda 
of forestry began; changes, partly perhaps induced by 
that propaganda, which have aided this movement, 
and which, if they persist, promise much for the future 
development of forest policies. A decidedly pater- 
nalistic, if not socialistic attitude has, lately been 
taken by the federal government; and by skilful 
construction of the Constitution as regards the right 
to regulate interstate relations, has led to an expan- 
sion of federal power in various directions. A similar 

460 United States. 

paternalistic attitude has developed in the legis- 
latures of several States to a noticeable degree. Even 
the judiciary has taken up this new spirit, and is 
ready to sanction interference with private property 
rights to a degree which, a decade ago, would have been 
denounced as undemocratic and tyrannical. Two 
courts have lately ruled that owners of timberlands 
my be restricted, without compensation, as regards 
the size of trees they may fell on their property, if 
the welfare of the State demands such interference. 

The argument of the Roman doctrine utere tuo ne 
alterum noceas, which forestry propagandists have so 
strenuously used, seems finally to have found favor, 
and the inclusion of the community at large, present 
and future, as the possibly damaged party does not 
appear any more strained. The idea of the providen- 
tial function of governments, as the writer has called 
it, seems to have taken hold of the people. The 
democratic doctrine of State rights, and restriction 
of government functions has, even among Democrats, 
been weakened through the long continued reign of 
the Republican party, the party of centralizing ten- 
dencies, to such an extent that the latest Demo- 
cratic platform of a Presidential campaign (1908)out- 
did the Republican platform in centralizing and pater- 
nalistic propositions. 

It is proper to emphasize the growth of this social- 
istic attitude, as it is bound to influence, and influence 
favorably, the further development of forest policies. 

Nevertheless, it is still necessary to keep in mind 
that the States are autonomous, and that, while the 
federal government, in spite of the antagonism in the 

Forest Conditions. 461 

Western States, in which the pubhc lands are situated, 
has been able to change its land policy from that of 
liberal disposal to one of reservation, it alone cannot 
save the situation. While a few of the States have 
made beginnings in working out a policy to arrest 
the destruction of their forest resources, which are 
mostly in private hands, still much water must flow 
down the Mississippi before adequate measures will be 
taken to stave ofT the threatening timber famine, and 
the energy of the various local and national Con- 
servation associations will need to be exercised to 
the utmost. 

1. Forest Conditions. 

Three extensive mountain systems, running north 
and south, give rise to at least eight topographic sub- 
divisions of the country, going from east to west. 

1. The narrow belt of level coast and hill country 
along the Atlantic shore, from 100 to 200 miles in 
width with elevations up to 1,000 feet, but especially 
low along the seacoast from Virginia south; drained 
by short rivers navigable only for short distances 
from the mouth; a farming country, with the soils 
varying from the richest to the poorest; some 300,000 
square miles. 

2. The Appalachian mountain country, nearly of 
the same width as the first section, with elevations up to 
5,000 feet; the watershed of all the rivers to the At- 
lantic, of several rivers to the Gulf, and of the eastern 
afifluents of the Mississippi; a mountain country, of 
about 360,000 square miles extent, rich in coal, iron 

462 United States. 

and other minerals, except in its northern extension 
formed of archean rock. 

3. The great river basin of the Mississippi, a Central 
plain of glacial and river deposit, rising gradually from 
the Gulf to the headwaters for more than 1200 miles, 
and nowhere over 1,000 feet above sea level; the 
richest agricultural section, 700,000 square miles, 
more or less, in extent. 

4. The plateau, rising towards the Rocky Moun- 
tains from 1,000 to 5,000 feet above sea level, some 
870,000 square miles in extent, a region of scanty 
rainfall, hence of prairie and plain, but mostly rich 
soil of undetermined depth, capable of prolific pro- 
duction where sufficient water supply is available. 

// 5. The Rocky Mountain region, rising from 5,000 
to near 10,000 feet (except some higher peaks), an 
arid to semi-arid district of rugged ranges, covered 
mostly with forest growth, often open and of inferior 
kind, with tillable soils in the narrow valleys, requiring 
irrigation for farm use; a mining country, rich in 
gold and silver, extending over 150,000 square miles. 

6. The Sierra Nevada Mountain Range, including 
the Coast Range, rarely over 7,000 feet elevation, 
arid to semi-arid on the Eastern slopes; humid, and 
supporting magnificent forest growth on the Western 
slopes; some 190,000 square miles. 

7. The Interior Basin, lying between the two 
preceding mountain ranges, some 400,000 square 
miles; for the most part a desert, although in parts 
supporting a stunted growth of pinon and juniper, 
and, where irrigation is possible, productive. 

Forest Distribution. 463 

8. The interior valleys of the Sierra, comprising 
about 30,000 square miles, which, under irrigation, 
have become the garden spots of the Pacific. 

To these topographic subdivisions correspond in 
part the climatic and the forest conditions, although 
variation of soil, and of northern and southern cli- 
mate produce further differentiation in types, and in 
distribution of field and forest. 

The first three sections were originally densely 
wooded — the great Atlantic forest region — but farms 
now occupy most of the arable portions; the fourth 
and seventh are forestless, if not treeless, while the 
fifth and sixth were more or less forested — the Pacific 
Coast region. 

Floristically also, these topographic conditions are 
reflected, namely in the wide, north and south dis- 
tribution of species, unimpeded by intervening 
mountain ranges, and in the change in composition 
from east to west. The two grand floristic divisions 
of the Atlantic and the Pacific forest, having but few 
species in common, are separated by the plains and 
prairies. The Atlantic forest is in the main composed 
of broadleaf trees with conifers intermixed, which 
latter only under the influence of soil conditions form 
pure stands, as in the extensive pineries of the South 
and North, and in the northern swamps and on 
southern mountain tops. The central region west of 
the AUegh^nies exhibits little conifer growth in its 
composition, and is most widely turned to farm use. 
White Pine, hemlock and spruce are the important 
coniferous staples of the northern section, and a num- 
ber of Yellow Pine species, with Bald Cypress and 

464 United States. 

Red Cedar, are the valuable conifer species in the 
South. As regards valuable hardwoods, there is but 
little change from north to south. 

The Pacific forest flora is almost entirely conifer- 
ous, but here also climatic conditions permit a dis- 
tinction of two very different forest regions, the Rocky 
Mountain forest being mostly of rather inferior 
development, and the Sierra forest exhibiting the 
most magnificent tree growth in the world. 

Nearly half the country is forestless, grassy prairie 
and plain, some 400 million acres being of the latter 
description, while open prairie and brush forest, or 
waste land occupies 600 million acres. 

Within the forest region of the East some 250 
million acres have been turned into farms, leaving 
still two-thirds of the area either under woods, or 
else wasted by fire. Although any reliable data re- 
garding this acreage are wanting, the area of really 
productive woodland in this section may probably 
be set down as not exceeding 300 million acres, which 
would be nearly 40% of the total area, varying from 
13% in the Central agricultural States to 50% in the 
Southern States; Maine, New Hampshire and Ar- 
kansas being most densely wooded, with over 60%. 
The Rocky Mountain and Sierra forests, each with 
100 million acres, would bring the total productive 
woodland area to a round 500 million acres, or about 
26% of the whole. (Later estimates including 
brushlands of doubtful productive capacity, increase 
this area to 550 million acres.) 

It is almost idle to attempt an estimate of the timber 
still standing ready for the axe; not only are the data 

Forest Area and Standing Timber. 465 

for such an estimate too scanty, but standards of 
what is considered merchantable change continuously 
and vitiate the value of such estimates. The writer's 
own estimate, made some years ago, of 2,500 billion 
feet, which by others has been treated as authorit- 
ative and forming a basis for predicting the time of a 
timber famine, and which was lately sustained by an 
extensive official inquiry, must nevertheless be con- 
sidered only as a reasonable guess, ventured for the 
purpose of accentuating the need of more conser- 
vative treatment of these exhaustible supplies, in 
comparsion with the consumption which represents 
around 45 billion feet B.M., and altogether 23 bil- 
lion cubic feet of forest-grown material, the ulti- 
mate value of all forest products reaching the stupen- 
dous sum of around 1,250 million dollars. And, as in 
other countries, this lavish consumption of forest 
growth, from five to fifteen times that of Europeans, 
has shown in the past a per capita increase of 30 per 
cent, for every decade. 

The bulk of the standing timber is to be found along 
the Pacific Coast, in the Sierra, and in the Southern 
States with their extensive pineries; the Northern 
and Eastern sections are within measurable time of 
the end of their virgin supplies of saw timber. The 
practice of culling the most valuable species has 
changed the composition in the regeneration, making 
it inferior, and large areas have been rendered worth- 
less by fires. 

The loss by fire, the bane of American forests, as 
far as loss in material is concerned probably does not 
exceed 2 or 3 per cent, of the consumption, and may be 

466 United States. 

valued at say 25 million dollars per annum. But the 
indirect damage to forest and soil, changing the com- 
position, baring the soil,and exposing it to erosion and 
washing, turning fertile lands into wastes, and brooks 
and rivers into torrents, is incalcuable. 

There is no doubt that at the present rate of con- 
sumption the bulk of the virgin supplies will be used up 
in a measurable time, which will force a reduction in 
the use of wood materials; a more or less severe 
timber famine is bound to appear, — indeed, has be- 
gun to make its appearance; and all recuperative 
measures will not suffice to stave it off, although they 
may shorten the time of its duration. 

2. Early Forest History. 

The early colonizers, settling on the Atlantic Coast 
soon after the discoveries of Columbus, did not, as is 
usually believed, find an untouched virgin forest. The 
aboriginal Indians had, before then, hewn out their 
corn fields, and had supplied themselves with fuel 
wood and material for their utensils; and fires, acci- 
dental, intentional, or caused by lightning, had, no 
doubt, also made inroads here and there. The white 
man, to be sure, is a more lavish wood consumer; his 
farms increased more rapidly, his buildings and his 
fireplaces consumed more forest growth, and careless- 
ness with fire was, as it is still, his besetting sin. More- 
over, a trade in timber with the Old World developed, 
in which only the best and largest-sized material 
figured. Wastefulness was bred in him by the sight 
of plenty, and the hard work of clearing his farm acres 
incited a natural enmity to the encumbering forest. 

Early Forest Control. 467 

The first sawmill in the New World was erected in 
1631 in the town of Berwick, Maine, and the first 
gang saw, of 18 saws, in 1650 in the same place,* 
while, before that time, masts and spars, handmade 
cooperage stock, clapboards and shingles formed com- 
monly parts of the return cargoes of ships. By 1680, 
nearly 50 vessels, engaged in such trade, cleared from 
the Piscataqua River. The ordinances on record 
which were issued at the same early times by the 
town governments of Exeter (1640), Kittery (1656), 
Portsmouth (1660), and Dover (1665), restricting 
the use of timber, remind us of the early European 
forest ordinances ; they were probably not dictated by 
any threatening deficiency of this class of material, 
but merely intended to secure a proper and orderly 
use of the town property. 

The appointment of a Royal Surveyor of the Woods 
for the New England colonies in 1699, and the pen- 
alties imposed in New Hampshire (1708) for cutting 
mast trees on ungranted lands ($500 for cutting 
24-inch trees), and in Massachusetts (1784) for cutting 
White Pine upon the public lands ($100), were prob- 
ably also merely police regulations, to protect prop- 
erty rights of the Crown or commonwealth. That 
this last move was in no way conceived as a needed 
conservatism is proved by the fact that two years later 
the Legislature of Maine devised a lottery scheme for 
the disposal of fifty townships; and 3,500,000 acres 
were disposed of in this way during the twelve years 
following the war. Altogether the States sacrificed 
their "wild lands" at trifling prices. 

* See Forestry Quarterly, vol. IV, p. 14. 

468 United States. 

But, when William Penn, the founder and first 
legislator of the State which represented his grant, sti- 
pulated, in 1682, that for every five acres cleared one 
acre was to be reserved for forest growth by those who 
took title from him, that may properly be considered 
an attempt to inaugurate a conservative policy, 
dictated by wise forethought, — an attempt, which, 
however, bore little or no fruit. 

Thoughtful men probably at all times looked with 
pity and apprehension upon the wasteful use of the 
timber as they do now, yet squander went on, just as 
it still does; but the apparently inexhaustible supplies 
in those early times called for no restriction in its use. 

At the end of the eighteenth and beginning of the 
nineteenth century, a fuel-wood famine must have ap- 
peared in some parts of the country, just as in Ger- 
many at that time and for the same reasons, the wood 
having been cut along the rivers, which were the only 
means of transportation, and hence, the distance to 
which wood had to be hauled increasing the cost. 

This was probably the reason why the Society of 
Agriculture, Arts and Manufactures of New York, 
after an inquiry by circular letter, issued in 1791, 
published, in 1795, a report on the "best mode of 
preserving and increasing the growth of timber." 
This condition probably also led the wise Governor of 
New York, DeWitt Clinton, of Erie Canal fame, in a 
message in 1822, to forecast an evil day, because "no 
system of economy" for the reproduction of forest 
supplies was being adopted; and he added: "Probably 
none will be, until severe privations are experienced." 

Like Great Britain at that time, the federal govern- 

Naval Timber Reservations. 469 

ment became concerned as regards supplies for naval 
construction, and, by act approved in 1799, appro- 
priated $200,000 for the purchase of timber fit for 
the Navy, and for its preservation for future use. 
Small purchases were made on the Georgia coast, but 
nothing of importance was done until, in 1817, an- 
other act renewed the proposition of the first, and 
directed the reservation of public lands bearing live- 
oak or cedar timber suitable for the Navy, as might be 
selected by the President. Under this act, a reser- 
vation of 19,000 acres was made, in 1828, on Com- 
missioners, Cypress and Six Islands, in Louisiana. 
Another appropriation of $10,000 was made in 1828, 
and some lands were purchased on Santa Rosa Sound, 
where, during a few years, even an attempt at culti- 
vation was made, including sowing, transplanting, 
pruning, etc. This was done under a more general 
act of 1827, by which the President was authorized 
to take proper measures to preserve the live oak timber 
growing on the federal lands. Under these acts, al- 
together some 244,000 acres of forest land were re- 
served in Alabama, Florida, Louisiana and Missis- 

But, although another act, of 1831, provided for 
the punishment of persons cutting or destroying any 
Live Oak, Red Cedar, or other trees growing on any 
lands of the United States, no general conception of 
the need of a broad forest policy, or even of a special 
value attaching to the public timberlands dictated 
these acts, except so far as the securing of certain 
material, then believed necessary for naval con- 
struction, was concerned. Indeed, the act of 1831 

470 United States. 

remained for 60 years the only expression of interest 
in this part of the federal domain. 

In those early times, the extent of our forest domain 
was entirely unknown, and the concern of occasional 
early voices in public prints regarding a threatened 
exhaustion of timber supplies can only be explained 
by the fact that, in the absence of railroads, the sup- 
plies near centers of civilization, or near drivable and 
navigable rivers, were alone of any account. 

That the earlier propagandists of forest culture re- 
ceived scant attention was due to the fact that con- 
ditions soon changed; and with these changes the 
evil day seemed indefinitely postponed, and the ne 
cessity for forest culture apparently vanished. These 
changes were mainly wrought by the opening up of 
the west, by extending means of transportation 
through canals and railroads, and by distributing pop- 
ulation, whereby the need for near-by home supplies 
was overcome; a continental supply of apparently 
inexhaustible amount was brought into sight and with- 
in reach. 

Meanwhile the population began to grow, immi- 
grants began to pour in by the hundred thousand, 
and the westward stream opened up new country and 
new timber supplies, and a lumber industry of mar- 
vellous size began to develop. The small country 
mill, run in the manner of, and often in connection 
with, the grist mill, doing a petty business by sawing 
as occasion demanded, to order for home customers or 
export, gave way to the large mill establishment as we 
know it now; and with the development of railroad 
transportation and the settlement of the western 

Lumber Industry. 471 

country, especially the forestless prairies, the industry 
grew at an astonishing rate. 

It is worth while to briefly trace the history of this 
industry, for the sake of which the need of conserva- 
tive forest policies is essential. 

That the petty method of doing business lasted un- 
til the middle of the century is evidenced by the census 
of 1840, which reported 31,560 lumber mills, with a 
total product valued as $12,943,507, or a Httle over 
$400 per mill. By 1876, the product per mill had be- 
come $6,500; by 1890, with only 21,000 mills, it was 
$19,000; in 1900, nearly the same number of mills 
as were recorded in 1840 (33,035) furnished a product 
of 566 million dollars, and in 1907, the banner year 
of production, the cut of 28,850 mills was reported at 
over 40 billion feet, and the gross product per mill had 
grown to $23,000, or a value for all of $666, 641,367. 

In 1909, 48112 mills cut 44,509,761 000 feet valued 
at $684,479, 859. Nearly half this product came from 
the Southern States. 

In the fifty years from 1850 to 1900, the value of 
all forest products harvested increased from $59 mil- 
lion to $567 million, and in 1907 the value had risen to 
$1,280 million, representing a consumption of over 
20 million cubic feet of forest-grown material. 

Especially after the Civil War, the settlements of 
the West grew as if by magic; the railroad mileage 
more than doubled in the decade from 1865 to 1875, 
and with it, the lumber industry developed by rapid 
strides into its modern methods and volume. How 
rapidly the changes took place may be judged from 
the fact that, in 1865, the State of New York still 

472 United States. 

furnished more lumber than any other State ; now it 
supplies only insignificant amounts, a little over two 
per cent, of the total lumber cut. 

In 1868, the golden age of lumbering had arrived in 
Michigan; in 1871, rafts filled the Wisconsin; in 1875, 
Eau Claire had 30, Marathon 30, and Fond du Lac 20 
sawmills, now all gone; and mills at La Crosse, which 
were cutting millions of feet annually, are now closed. 
By 1882, the Saginaw Valley had reached the climax of 
its production, and the lumber industry of the great 
Northwest, with a cut of 8 billion feet of White Pine 
alone, was in full blast. The White Pine production 
reached its maximum in 1890, with 8.5 billion feet, 
then to decrease gradually but steadily to less than 
half that cut in 1908. Southern development be- 
gan to assume large proportions much later; at the 
present time, the lumber product of the Southern 
States has grown to amounts nearly double that of all 
the Northern States combined. 

But not only the unparalleled and ever increasing 
wood consumption, which now has reached 260 cubic 
feet per capita, five times that of Germany and ten 
times that of France, threatened the exhaustion of the 
natural supplies. Reckless conflagrations almost in 
variably followed the lumberman and destroyed gen- 
erally the remaining stand, and surely the young 
growth. So common did these conflagrations become, 
that they were considered unavoidable, and though 
laws intended to protect forest property against fires 
were found on the statute books of every State, no 
attempt to enforce them was made. 

No wonder that those observing this rapid decima- 

Early Movement. 473 

tion of our forest supplies and the incredible waste- 
fulness and additional destruction by fire with no atten- 
tion to the aftergrowth, began again to sound the note 
of alarm. Besides the writings in the daily press and 
other non-official publications, we find the reports of 
the Department of Agriculture more and more fre- 
quently calling attention to the subject. 

In a report issued by the Patent Office as early as 
1849, we find the following significant language in a 
discussion on the rapid destruction of forests and their 
influence on water flow: 

"The waste of valuable timber in the United States, to say 
nothing of firewood, will hardly begin to be appreciated until 
our population reaches 50,000,000. Then the folly and short- 
sightedness of this age will meet with a degree of censure and 
reproach not pleasant to contemplate." 

In 1865, the Rev. Frederic Starr discussed fully and 
forcibly the American forests, their destruction 
and preservation, in a lengthy article in which, with 
truly prophetic vision, he says: 

"It Is feared it will be long, perhaps a full century, before 
the results at which we ought to aim as a nation will be realized 
by our whole country, to wit, that we should raise an adequate 
supply of wood and timber for all our wants. The evils which 
are anticipated will probably increase upon us for thirty years to 
come with tenfold the rapidity with which restoring or ameliorating 
measures shall be adopted. 

And again: 

"Like a cloud no bigger than a man's hand just rising from 
the sea, an awakening interest begins to come in sight on this 
subject, which as a question of political economy will place the 
interests of cotton, wool, coal, iron, meat, and even grain, be- 
neath its feet. Some of these, according to the demand, can be 

474 United States. 

produced in a iew days, others in a few months or a few years, 
but timber in not less than one generation. The nation has 
slept because the gnawing of want has not awakened her. She 
has had plenty and to spare, but within thirty years she will be 
conscious that not only individual want is present, but that it 
comes to each from permanent national famine of wood." 

The article is full of interesting detail, and may be 
said to be the starting basis of the campaign for better 
methods which followed. 

Another unquestionably most influential, official 
report was that upon "Forests and Forestry in Ger- 
many," by Dr. John A. Warder, United States Com- 
missioner to the World's Fair at Vienna in 1873. 
Dr. Warder set forth clearly and correctly the methods 
employed abroad in the use of forests, and became 
himself one of the most prominent propagandists for 
their adoption in his own country. 

About the same time appeared the classical work of 
George B. Marsh, our minister to Italy, "The Earth 
as Modified by Human Action," in which the evil 
effects on cultural conditions of forest destruction 
were ably and forcibly pointed out. 

Among these earlier publications designed to arouse 
public attention to the subject, should also be men- 
tioned General C. C. Andrews' report on 'Forestry 
in Sweden,' published by the State Department in 

The Census of 1870 attempted for the first time a 
canvas of our forest resources under Prof. F. W. 
Brewer, as a result of which the relative smallness of 
our forest area became known. 

All these publications had their influence in educat- 

Beginnings of Federal Policy. 475 

ing a larger number to a conception and consideration 
of the importance of the subject, so that, when, in 
1873, the committee on forestry of the American 
Association for the Advancement of Science was 
formed and presented a memorial to Congress, point- 
ing out "the importance of promoting the cultivation 
of timber and the preservation of forests, and recom- 
mending the appointment of a commission of forestry 
to report to Congress," there already existed an in- 
telligent audience, and although a considerable amount 
of lethargy and lack of interest was exhibited, Con- 
gress could be persuaded, in 1876, to establish an 
agency in the United States Department of Agri- 
culture, out of which grew later the Division of Fores- 
try, a bureau of information on forestry matters. Dr. 
Franklin B. Hough, one of the signers of the memorial, 
v/as appointed to the agency. It is to be noted as 
characteristic of much American legislation, that this 
agency was secured only as a "rider" to an appro- 
priation for the distribution of seed. 

While these were the beginnings of an official recog- 
nition of the subject by the federal government, pri- 
vate enterprise and the separate States also started 
about the same time to forward the movement. In 
1867, the agricultural and horticultural societies of 
Wisconsin were invited by the legislature to appoint 
a committee to report on the disastrous effects of 
forest destruction. In 1869, the Maine Board of 
Agriculture appointed a committee to report on a 
forest policy for the State, leading to the act of 1872 
"for the encouragement of the growth of trees, ex- 
empting from taxation for twenty years lands planted 

476 United States. 

to trees, which law, as far as we know, remained 
without result. About the same time a real wave of 
enthusiasm regarding the planting of timber seems 
to have pervaded the country, and especially the 
Western prairie States. In addition to laws regarding 
the planting of trees on highways, laws for the en- 
couragement of timber planting, either under bounty 
or exemption from taxation, were passed in Iowa, 
Kansas and Wisconsin in 1868; in Nebraska and New 
York in 1869; in Missouri in 1870; in Minnesota in 
1871; in Iowa in 1872; in Nevada in 1873; in Illinois 
in 1874; in Dakota and Connecticut in 1875; and 
finally the federal government joined in this kind of 
legislation by the so-called timber-culture acts of 
1873 and 1874, amended in 1876 and 1877. 

For the most part these laws remained a dead letter, 
excepting in the case of the federal government offer. 
The encouragement by release from taxes was not 
much of an inducement ;* nor does the bounty provision 
seem to have had greater success, except in taking 
money out of the treasuries. Finally, these laws 
were in many or most cases repealed. 

The timber-culture act was passed by Congress on 
March 3, 1873, by which the planting of timber on 
40 acres of land (or a proportionate area) in the tree- 
less territory, conferred the title to 160 acres (or a 
proportionate amount) of the public domain. This 
law had not been in existence ten years when its 
repeal was demanded, and this was finally secured in 
1891, the reason being that, partly owing to the crude 
provisions of the law, and partly to the lack of proper 
supervision, it had been abused, and had given rise 

Timber Culture Acts. 477 

to much fraud in obtaining title to lands under false 
pretenses. It is difificult to say how much impetus 
the law gave to bonaftde forest planting, and how 
much timber growth has resulted from it. Unfavor- 
able climate, lack of satisfactory plant material, and 
lack of knowledge as to the proper methods, led to 
many failures. 

A number of railroad companies, opening up the 
prairie States, planted at this time groves along the 
right of way for the sake of demonstrating the practica- 
bility of securing forest growth on the treeless prairies 
and plains. 

There was also considerable planting of wind-breaks 
and groves on homesteads, which was attended with 
better results. Altogether, however, the amount of 
tree planting, even in the prairies and plains, was in- 
finitesimal, if compared with what is necessary for 
climatic amelioration; and it may be admitted, now 
as well as later, that the reforestation of the plains 
must be a matter of co-operative, if not of national, 

At this time also, an effort was made to stimulate 
enthusiasm for tree planting among the homesteaders 
and settlers on the plains by the establishment of arbor 
days. From its inception by Governor J. Sterling 
Morton, and its first inauguration by the State Board 
of Agriculture of Nebraska in 1872, Arbor Day gradu- 
ally became a day of observance in nearly every State. 
While with the exception of the so-called treeless 
States, perhaps not much planting of economic value 
is done, the observance of the day in schools as one set 
apart for the discussion of the importance of trees, 

478 United States. 

forests and forestry has been productive of an in- 
creased interest in the subject. Arbor days have per- 
haps also had a retarding influence upon the practical 
forestry movement, in leading people into the mis- 
conception that forestry consists in tree planting, in 
diverting attention from the economic question of the 
proper use of existing forest areas, in bringing into the 
discussion poetry and emotions, v/hich have clouded 
the hard-headed practical issues, and delayed the 
earnest attention of practical business men. 

Private efforts in the East in the way of fostering 
and carrying on economic timber planting should not 
be forgotten, such as the offering of prizes by the 
Massachusetts Society for the Promotion of Agricul- 
ture (as early as 1804 and again in 1876), and the 
planting done by private land holders at Cape Cod, 
in Rhode Island, Virginia, and elsewhere. These 
efforts, to be sure, were only sporadic and unsyste- 
matic, and on no scale comimensurate with the destruc- 
tion of virgin forest resources. 

A touching attempt of two noble Frenchmen to 
teach their American hosts a better use of their mag- 
nificent forest resource, although of little result, 
should never fail of mention. Andre Michaux and 
his son, Andre Francois, who, between 1785 and 1805, 
explored and studied the forest flora of the United 
States, and published a magnificent North Am.erican 
Sylva in three volumes, left, in recognition of the 
hospitalities received, two legacies of $20,000 for the 
"extension and progress of agriculture and more 
especially of silviculture in the United States," which 
bequests became available in 1870. The American 

Forestry Movement. 479 

Philosophical Society at Philadelphia, a trustee of 
one of the legacies, has devoted its income to beautifi- 
cation of Fairmount Park, providing a few lectures 
on forest botany and forestry, and collecting a forestry 
library, while the other legacy has been used by the 
Massachusetts Society for the Promotion of Agri- 
culture to aid the botanical gardens at Harvard and 
the Arnold Arboretum, besides offering the prizes for 
tree planting referred to above. 

3. Development of a Forest Policy. 

This first period of desultory efforts to create public 
opinion on behalf of a more conservative use of forest 
resources was followed by a more systematic propa- 
ganda, in which the Division of Forestry, growing out 
of the agency in the Department of Agriculture, took 
the lead. This it did officially as well as by assisting 
the American Forestry Association, soon after organ- 
ized with a view of educating public opinion. For 
15 years, the chief of the Division acted either as 
Secretary or Chairman of the Executive Committee 
of the Association. 

The first forestry association had been formed on 
January 12, 1876, in St. Paul, Minn., largely through 
the efforts of Leonard B. Hodges, who was the first 
to make plantations in the prairies for the St. Paul 
and Pacific Railroad. This association was aided by 
State appropriations, which enabled it to offer pre- 
miums for the setting out of plantations, to distribute 
plant material, and also to publish and distribute 
widely a Tree Planters' Manual, revised editions of 
which were issued from time to time. 

In 1875, Dr. John A. Warder issued a call for a 

480 United States. 

convention in Chicago to form a national forestry 
association. This association Avas completed, in 1876, 
at Philadelphia, but never showed any life or growth. 

In 1882, a number of patriotic citizens at Cincinnati 
called together a forestry congress, incited thereto by 
the visit and representations of Baron von Steuben, 
a Prussian forest official, when visiting this country 
on the occasion of the centennial celebration of the 
surrender of Yorktown. 

A very enthusiastic and representative gathering, 
on April 25, was the result, lasting through the week, 
which led to the formation of the American Forestry 
Congress. In the same year, in August, a second 
meeting was held in Montreal, under the patronage of 
the Canadian government, and the name was changed 
to the American Forestry Association. In 1898, it 
began the publication of a propagandist journal. The 
Forester (later changed to Forestry and Irrigation then 
to Conservation, and now again to American Fores- 
try). It has now a member-ship of over 5,000. Much 
of the early educational propaganda was done through 
this association. Indeed, this association, holding 
yearly and intermediate meetings in different parts of 
the States, became the center of all private efforts 
to advance the forestry movement. Twelve volumes 
of its proceedings contain not only the history of 
progress in establishing a forest policy, but also much 
other information of value on forestry subjects. 

Other local or State forestry associations were 
formed from time to time, more or less under the lead 
of the national association, and exist now in almost 
every State, while several other societies, like the 

Associations and Commissions. 481 

Sierra Nevada Club and the Mazamas of the Pacific 
coast, and State horticultural societies in various 
States, made the subject one to be discussed and to 
be fostered. The most active of these associations, 
since it was formed in 1886, publishing also a bi- 
monthly journal. Forest Leaves (at first less fre- 
quently), is the Pennsylvania State Forestry Associ- 
ation, which has succeeded in thoroughly committing 
its State to a proper forest policy, as far as official 
recognition is concerned. 

Usually as a result of this associated private effort, 
the States appointed forestry commissions or com- 
missioners. These commissions were at first for the 
most part instituted for inquiry and to make reports, 
upon which a forest policy for the State might be 
framed. Others have become permanent parts of the 
State organization, with executive, or merely educa- 
tional functions. Such commissioners of inquiry 
were appointed at various times, in Connecticut 
(1877), New Hampshire (1881 and 1889, Vermont 
(1882), New York (1884), Maine (1891), New Jersey 
(in Geological Survey 1894), Pennsylvania (1893), 
North Carolina (in Geological Survey 1891), Ohio 
(1885), Michigan (1899), Wisconsin (1897), Minnesota 
(1899), North Dakota (1891), Colorado (1885), 
California (1885). 

It was but natural in a democratic country that 
these movements sometimes became the play balls of 
self-seeking men, political wire pullers, and grafters, 
or more often of ignorant amateurs and shallow senti- 
mentalists, aided by half-informed newspaper writers. 
Infinite patience was required to steer through these 

482 United States. 

rocks the ship of true economic reform, and to educate 
legislators and constituents to its true needs. The 
very first forestry congress was really conceived with 
a view of advancing political preferment of one of its 
organizers, and many another "forestry" meeting 
was utilized for a similar purpose, the new, catchy 
title attracting the gullible. 

One of the first State forest commissions, well en- 
dowed to do its work, soon fell into the hands of 
grafters, and created such scandals that they led to its 
abolishment, and to a set-back in the movement every- 
where. Arbor day sentimentalism discredited and 
clouded the issue before the business world ; the move- 
ment was in constant danger at the hands of its friends. 
Antagonism of the lumber world was aroused by the 
false idea of what the reform contemplated, and, in 
the absence of technically trained foresters to instruct 
the public and the amateur reformers, and to convince 
legislators of the absolute need of discontinuing old 
established habits, progress was naturally slow, and 
experienced many setbacks. 

It was a hard field to plow, grown up with the weed 
growth of prejudice and custom, and means and tools 
for the work were inadequate. 

The federal government was naturally looked to to 
take the lead. The first two agents, employed in the 
Department of Agriculture to ''report on forestry", 
unfortunately lacked all technical knowledge of the 
subject, the first, a most assiduous worker, being a 
writer of local histories and gatherer of statistics, the 
second a preacher. The third, the writer himself,had 
at least the advantage of this technical training, but, 

Forest Reservation Policy. 483 

at the same time, the disadvantage of being a foreigner, 
who had first to learn the Hmitations of democratic 
government. Only the paltry sum of $8,000 was at 
his disposal for plowing the ground, and even after 
the agency had been raised to the dignity of a Division 
in 1886, for years no adequate appropriations could 
be secured, and hence the scope and usefulness of the 
work of the Division was hampered. 

The Forestry Association, inaugurated with such a 
flourish of trumpets and with such a large member- 
ship at the start, had in the first two years dwindled 
to a small number of faithful ones, and was without 
funds when the writer became its secretary. 

In spite of these drawbacks, the propaganda had 
progressed so far in 1891, that, through the earnest 
insistence of the then Secretary of the Interior, John 
W. Noble, who had been won over to the views for 
which the Division and the Association stood, a clause 
was enacted by Congress in "An act to repeal timber- 
culture laws and for other purposes, " giving authority 
to the President to set aside forest reservations from 
the public domain. Again, this important legislation, 
which changed the entire land policy and all previous 
notions of the government's functions concerning the 
Public Domain, was not deliberately enacted, but 
slipped in as a "rider", at the last hour, in Conference 
Committee. In this connection the name of Edward 
A. Bowers, in 1887 Special Agent in the Department 
of the Interior, and later Assistant Commissioner of 
the General Land Office, deserves mention as most 
active in securing this reservation policy. 

Acting under this authority. Presidents Harrison 


484 United States. 

and Cleveland proclaimed, previous to 1894, seventeen 
forest reservations, with a total estimated area of 
17,500,000 acres. 

The reservations were established usually upon the 
petition of citizens residing in the respective States 
and after due examination, the Forestry Association 
acting both as instigator and as intermediary. 

Meanwhile no provision for the administration of 
the reserves existed, and the comprehensive legislation 
devised by the Chief of the Division of Forestry, which 
included withdrawal and administration of all public 
timberlands, failed to be enacted, although in the 
Fifty-third Congress it was passed by both Houses, but 
failed to become a law merely for lack of time to secure 
a conference report. But the purpose of the advocates 
of forestry was to create such a condition as would 
compel Congress to act, by continually withdrawing 
forested lands that would lie useless until authority 
was given for their proper use and administration. 

In order to secure influential support from outside, 
a committee of the Forestry Association induced the 
then Secretary of the Interior, Hoke Smith, in 1896, 
to request the National Academy of Sciences, the 
legally constituted adviser of the government in 
scientific matters, to investigate and report "upon 
the inauguration of a rational forest policy for the 
forested lands of the United States." After an un- 
necessary so-called "junket" of a committee of the 
Academy to investigate the public timberlands, a 
preliminary report was submitted recommending the 
creation of thirteen additional reservations, with an 
area of over 20 million acres, and later a complete 

Forest Reservation Policy. 485 

report was made with practically the same recom- 
mendations which had been urged by the Forestry 

President Cleveland, heroically, proclaimed the 
desired reserves all on one day, Washington's birth- 
day, 1897, without the usual preliminary ascertain- 
ment of local interests, and immediately a storm broke 
loose in the United States Senate, which threatened 
the overthrow of the entire, toilsomely achieved reser- 
vation policy; and impeachment of the President was 
strongly argued in a two-day (Sunday) session. Con- 
gress, however, came to an end on March 4, before it 
had taken any action, but, as it had also failed to pass 
the annual Sundry Civil Appropriation Bill, it was 
immediately recalled in extra session. 

Then, again, by a clever trick and in an indirect 
and surreptitious manner, instead of by open, direct 
and straightforward consideration and deliberation 
of a proper policy, most important legislation was 
secured in the Sundry Civil Appropriation Bill, which 
provided for the temporary suspension of the reser- 
vations lately set aside until they could be more de- 
finitely delimited, private claims adjusted, and agri- 
cultural lands excluded, by a survey, for which 
$150,000 was appropriated to the United States Geo- 
logical Survey. The agricultural lands were then to 
be returned to the public domain for disposal. At 
the same time, provisions for the administration of 
the remaining reservations, much in the sense of the 
legislation advocated by the Division of Forestry and 
by the Forestry Association, and especially for the sale 
of timber, were hung on to this appropriation clause. 

486 United States. 

Under this act the reserves were administered until 

If the interior history of this bit of legislation were 
revealed, it would probably appear that, not con- 
ception of the importance of the subject, but the need 
for the employment of a certain organized survey 
party in the Geological Survey was at the bottom 
of it. 

While this law had set aside one year and a limited 
sum to accomplish the survey, this could not, of 
course, be done, and hence appropriations were con- 
tinued, and the date for the segregation of the lands 
was deferred sine die. For years this forest survey 
continued, giving rise to magnificent volumes, issued 
from the Geological Survey, describing the forest 
reservations — a very useful, educational piece of work, 
not at all contemplated by the legislation — for which 
not less than $1.5 million have been expended. By 1905 
some 110,000 square miles had been examined when 
this work was handed over to the Forestry Bureau. 

Thus it happened, almost by accident, that finally 
the aims of the reformers were realized, the appoint- 
ment of forest superintendents, rangers, etc., to take 
charge of the forest reservations was secured, and 
rules and regulations for their administration were 
formulated by the Commissioner of the General Land 
Office, marking the beginning of a settled policy on the 
part of the United States government to take care of 
its long neglected forest lands. In this work of first 
organization the name of Filibert Roth, a German- 
born forester, deserves mention. 

Meanwhile, the Division of Forestry had continued 

Federal Forest Service. 487 

to bring together and distribute in the shape of re- 
ports, bulletins, circulars, addresses and letters, such 
information useful for the education of the public, 
of wood consumers, and timberland owners, as its 
limited appropriations permitted, undertaking also 
some scientific investigations, especially in the line of 
timber physics. 

Soon after, in July, 1898, when the writer resigned 
his position as Chief of the Division of Forestry, to 
organize the first professional forest school, the New 
York State College of Forestry, Mr. Gifford Pinchot, 
took charge of the division. Young, ambitious, ag- 
gressive, with some knowledge of forestry acquired in 
Europe and with influential connections and a large 
fortune, he easily secured the first need for effective 
sowing on the well-plowed field before him — appro- 
priations. Whatever had been feebly begun could be 
broadly, sometimes lavishly, extended, and the new 
idea of making "working plans" for private timber- 
land owners could be developed — a great educational 
work, which, earlier, when even co-operation with 
State institutions was considered a questionable 
proposition, would have been turned down as too 

In five years the appropriations had increased ten- 
fold, to over $250,000; and in the first decade of the 
new regime, around $3,000,000 had been spent on for- 
estry investigations, not counting expenditures on 
forest reservation account. 

A further strong support came into the field, 
when Mr. Roosevelt became President of the 
United States, in 1901, and unreservedly threw his 

488 United States. 

overpowering influence into the balance, to advance 
forest policies. 

Owing to his interest, the withdrawal of public 
timberlands from entry proceeded at a rapid rate: by 
1902, the reservations had grown to 65 million acres; 
in 1905, there were over 100 million acres included ; and 
by the end of his administration, 175 miUion acres 
had been placed in reservation. 

The anomalous condition, which placed the survey 
of the forest reserves in the Geological Survey, their 
administration in the Land Office, and the scientific 
or technical development of forestry in the Depart- 
ment of Agriculture, was finally ended in 1904, when, 
on February 1st, the whole matter was placed in the 
hands of the Department of Agriculture, with its 
Forestry Division, which had been changed into a 
Bureau of Forestry, and then changed its name again 
to Forest Service. 

With this transfer, it may be said, the federal forest 
policy was fully established, at least for its own lands, 
and all that remains to be done is the perfection of de- 
tails in their administration and the development of 
silvicultural methods. 

With appropriations which now (1907) exceed 
$950,000 for investigating work alone, limitless op- 
portunity seems to be open to extend the many di- 
rections of inquiry and solve the silvicultural problems, 
and satisfy the educational function of this govern- 
ment agency. 

But, besides the administration of the federal 
timberlands and the educational and other assistance 
of private owners, a further expansion of the Forest 

Federal Forest Policy. 489 

Service is developing under the paternalistic and 
socialistic tendencies referred to before, which may 
ultimately lead to the purchase and federal control 
of forest reserves in the Eastern States. Such ex- 
pansion, was, indeed, proposed in the establishment of 
reserves in the White Mountains and the Southern 
Appalachians, propositions which have been resisted 
by Congress for the last seven years, but with ever 
weakening resistance. Finally in 1910, success was 
attained, and the federal government placed in po- 
sition to acquire these forest areas, to the amount of 

Meanwhile the single states have begun to develop 
their own poHcies. 

Outside of legislation aiming at protection against 
forest fires — which nearly every State possessed from 
early times, ineffective for lack of machinery to carry 
it into effect — and outside of the futile attempts to en- 
courage timber planting referred to, no interest in 
timberlands was evinced by State authorities for the 
first two-thirds of the century, since practically all 
these lands had been disposed of to private owners, and 
the authorities did not see any further duties regarding 

The first State to institute a commission of inquiry 
was Wisconsin, in 1867; but with the rendering of the 
report, prepared by I. A. Lapham, one of the active 
early propagandists — the matter was allowed to ma- 
ture for thirty years. 

The next State to move, in a feeble way, in 1876, 
was Minnesota, the legislature making an annual 
grant of money to its forestry association. 

490 United States. 

The appointment of commissions of inquiry then 
became fashionable. 

New Ham.pshire appointed such a commission in 
1881, which reported in 1885, without result, and 
another commission in 1889, whose report, in 1893, 
led to the establishment of a permanent commission 
of inquiry and advice, with a partial supervision of 
forest fire laws. Vermont followed suit with a com- 
mission of inquiry, in 1882, whose report made in 
1884, remained without consequences. 

In Michigan the expedient was resorted to of con- 
stituting the State Board of Agriculture a commission 
of inquiry, whose report, published in 1888, had also 
no consequences except those of an educational char- 

Similarly, the State of Massachusetts ordered the 
State Board of Agriculture in 1890, to inquire "into 
the consideration of the forests of the State, the need 
and methods of their protection, " with similar results, 
or lack of result. 

In New Jersey, the matter was referred to the 
State Geologist, who, since 1894, has made reports on 
forest conditions and needs. Similar reference of the 
subject was made in the State of North Carolina, in 
1891, and in West Virginia. 

The first more permanent State institution deliber- 
ately established as an educational and advisory 
agent was the Forestry Bureau of Ohio, in 1885, 
which published a number of annual reports, but 
eventually collapsed for lack of support. 

In the same year, three important States, New 
York in the East, Colorado in the Middle States, and 

State Activities. 491 

California in the West, seemed simultaneously to 
have awakened to their duty, largely as a result of 
the propaganda of the American Forestry Association. 

In California, a State Board of Forestry was in- 
stituted, with considerable power and ample appro- 
priations, which, how^ever, eventually fell into the 
hands of unscrupulous politicians and grafters, the 
resulting scandals leading to its abolishment in 1889. 

In Colorado, which when admitted to Statehood in 
1876, had, in its Constitution, directed the general 
assembly to legislate on behalf of the forestry inter- 
ests of the State, these interests were rather tardily 
committed to a forest commissioner, who was charged 
to organize county commissioners and road overseers 
throughout the State as forest officers in their re- 
spective localities, to act as a police force in preventing 
depredations on timbered school lands and in enforc- 
ing the fire laws. Col. E.T. Ensign, who had been 
most instrumental in bringing about this legislation, 
was appointed commissioner, and, with singular 
devotion, in spite of the enmity aroused by his activity, 
which eventually led to a discontinuance of appro- 
priations, tried, for a number of years to execute this 
law. With his resignation from the office, this legis- 
lation also fell into innocuous desuetude. 

In New York, concern in the water supply for the 
Erie Canal, had led such a far sighted statesman as 
Horatio Seymour, twice Governor of the State and 
once running for the Presidency, to conceive the need 
of preserving the Adirondack watershed in State 
hands. Accordingly a law was passed, in 1872, naming 
seven citizens, with Horatio Seymour chairman, as as 

492 United States. 

State park commission, instructed to make inquiries 
with the view of reserving or appropriating the wild 
lands lying northward of the Mohawk, or so much 
thereof as might be deemed expedient, for a State 
park. The commission, finding that the State then 
owned only 40,000 acres in that region, and that 
there was a tendency on the part of the owners of 
the rest to combine for the enhancement of values 
should the State want to buy, recommended a law 
forbidding further sales of State lands, and their 
retention when forfeited for the non-payment of taxes. 

It was not until eleven years later, in 1883, that this 
recommendation was acted upon, when the State 
through the non-payment of taxes by the owners 
of cut-over lands had become possessed of 600,000 

In 1884, the comptroller was authorized to employ 
"such experts as he may deem necessary to investi 
gate and report a system of forest preservation." 
The report of a commission of four members was made 
in 1885, but the legislation proposed was antagonized 
by the lumbermen's interests. The legislature finally 
passed a compromise bill, which the writer had drafted 
at the request of Senator Lowe, entitled "An act 
establishing a forest commission, and to define its 
powers, and for the preservation of forests," the most 
comprehensive legislation at that time. 

The original forest commission, appointed under the 
act of 1885, was superseded in 1895, by the commission 
of fisheries, game, and forests, which brought allied in- 
terests under the control of a single board of five 
members appointed by the Governor for a term of five 

New York Forest Commission. 493 

years. In 1903, the commission was changed to a 
single commissioner, and another backward step was 
taken in 1911 by handing over the work of this com- 
missioner to the newly created State Conservation 
Commission, consolidating with it several other 

Here, then, for the first time on the American con- 
tinent, had the idea of State forestry, management of 
State lands on forestry principles, taken shape; a new 
doctrine of State functions had gained the day. Not 
only was the commission charged to organize a ser- 
vice, with a "chief forester" and " underforesters, " 
to administer the existing reserve according to fores- 
try principles, but also from the incomes to lay aside 
a fund for the purchase of more lands to constitute 
the State forest preserve. Unfortunately, instability 
of purpose, the characteristic of democracy, spoiled 
the dream of the forester. Both, commission and 
chief forester were, of course, political appointees, 
and, rightly or wrongly, fell under the suspicion, 
when proposing the sale of stumpage, that they were 
working into the hands of lumbermen. A set of 
well-meaning but ill-advised civic reformers succeeded, 
in 1893, in securing the insertion into the Consti- 
tution, then being revised, of a clause preventing 
the cutting of trees, dead or alive, on State lands, 
declaring that they shall forever be kept as "wild 
lands." Later, this constitutional provision was 
deliberately set aside by the commission, which be- 
gan to plant up some of the fire-wasted areas, the 
legislature appropriating money for this breach of 
the Constitution because it was popular: and lately 

494 United States. 

permission has also been granted by the legislature to 
remove trees from burnt areas in order to reduce the 
fire danger — the foolish objection of a Constitution 

In 1897, new legislation was passed to authorize the 
State to purchase additional forest lands within a pre- 
scribed limit, to round ofif the State's holdings, a 
special agency, the Forest Preserve Board, being 
constituted for that purpose. Under this law, some 
$3,500,000 have been spent, and by 1907, over one 
and a half million acres had been added to the State 
Forest Preserve. This large area is withdrawn from 
rational economic use, reserved for a pleasure ground 
of wealthy New Yorkers, who have located their 
camps in the "wilderness" under the avowed assump- 
tion that the State can be forced to maintain forever 
this anomalous condition. 

In later years, private planting has been encouraged 
by the Commission selHng plant material from the 
State nurseries at low rates. 

The most important administrative function of the 
Commission has been the reduction of forest fires, in 
which, also owing to political conditions, only partial 
success has been attained. The legislation of 1885 for 
the first time attacked this problem in a more thor- 
ough manner, providing for the organization of a 
service, and this served as an example to other States 
who copied and improved on it. Notably the forest 
fire legislation of Maine (1891), of Wisconsin (1895), 
and of Minnesota (1895) was based on this model. 

Another of the large States to start upon and, dif- 
ferently from New York, to develop consistently a 

Pennsylvania Commission. 495 

proper forest policy, was the State of Pennsylvania. 
As a result of a persistent propaganda by the Pennsyl- 
vania Forestry Association, formed in 1886, and espe- 
cially by its active secretary. Dr. J. T. Rothrock, a 
commission of inquiry was instituted in 1893. Before 
its report was established, the legislature of 1895 pro- 
vided for an executive Department of Agriculture, 
and included in its organization a provision for a Di- 
vision of Forestry, the botanist member of the previ- 
ous commission. Dr. Rothrock, being appointed 
Commissioner of Forestry at the head of the Division. 
Two years later, the final legislation, which firmly es- 
tablished a forest policy for the State, was passed 
namely for the purchase of State forest reservations. 
All later legislation was simply an expansion of these 
propositions. By 1910, the State had acquired by 
purchase, wild, mostly culled lands to the extent of 
over 900,000 acres, and the Commission had progressed 
far towards providing for their management and re- 

The unusually disastrous conflagrations of 1894; the 
growing conviction that the pleaders of the exhausti- 
bility of timber supplies were right, accentuated by a 
rapid decline in White Pine production and a rapid, 
and, indeed, almost sudden, rise instumpage prices; 
the example which the federal government had set 
in withdrav/ing public timberlands from spoliation; 
together with an increasing number, not only of advo- 
cates of saner methods, but of technically educated 
men, who came from the schools lately organized — all 
these influences had worked as a leaven in all parts of 
the country so as to bring in the new century with a 

496 United States. 

realization of the seriousness of the situation. And, 
within the first seven years of the century, the change 
of attitude, at least, was almost completed in all parts 
of the country, and among all classes, the lumbermen 
and others depending directly on wood supplies be- 
coming especially prominent in recognizing the need 
and value of forestry. 

State after State came into line in recognizing that 
it had a duty to perform, and in some way gave ex- 
pression to this recognition, so that, by 1908, hardly a 
State was without at least a germ of a forest policy. 

Two principles had been recognized as correct and 
were brought into practice, namely, that the forest in- 
terests of the State called for direct State activity, and 
that eventually the State must own and manage at 
least portions of the forest area. The first principle 
took shape in appointing single State foresters, (as 
in Maine (1891 and 1903); in Massachusetts (1904); 
in Connecticut (1903); in Vermont (1906); in Rhode 
Island (1906)]; or Commissions or Boards [ as in New 
York (1885), changed to a single commissioner with 
Superintendent and State foresters in 1903; in Penn- 
sylvania (1901) ; in New Hampshire (1893) ; Maryland 
with a State forester (1905); Wisconsin, with a State 
forester (1905); Indiana (1901-03); Louisiana, with 
a State forester (1904); Michigan (1899); Minnesota 
(1899) ; California (revived, with a State forester, in 
1905); Washington, with a State forester (1905); 
Kentucky (1906); in New Jersey, with a State for- 
ester (1904); Alabama (1907).] 

A very important feature in these appointments was 
the fact, that, more and more professional or technic- 

State Foresters and Forest Reservations. 497 

ally educated men displaced the merely political ap- 
pointees, or were at least added to the commissions. 

The idea of State forests found expression, more or 
less definitely, in setting aside forest reservations or 
else in enabling the State to accept and administer 
donations of forest lands. Among the States reco- 
gnizing this principle were New Hampshire, Connecti- 
cut, New Jersey, Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, 
Indiana, California. 

Where neither of these two principles had as yet 
found application, at least some agency was estab- 
lished to give advice and investigate or experiment in 
matters of forest interests, and sometimes to offer 
assistance to private woodland owners or planters, as 
in Delaware, Ohio, North Carolina, etc. 

Meanwhile, largely through the influence and with 
the co-operation of the federal Bureau of Forestry, 
private owners had begun, if not to apply, at least to 
study the possibility of the application of forestry to 
their holdings. The Bureau prepared "working 
plans" which were now and then followed in part, or 
at least led to attempts at a more conservative method 
of logging. Notably, various paper and pulp manu- 
facturers realized the usefulness of more systematic 
attention and conservative methods in the use of their 
properties. In this connection the object lesson fur- 
nished by Mr. G. K. Vanderbilt on his Biltmore 
Estate in North Carolina, which was begun by Mr 
Pinchot and conducted by Dr. C. A. Schenck, a 
German forester, requires special mention as the first, 
and for nearly 20 years continued experiment in 
applying forestry methods systematically in America. 

498 United States. 

At present writing the continuance of this experi- 
ment is in doubt. 

With the second decade of the century, we shall 
enter upon the flood tide of development, when no 
more need of argument for its necessity, and only the 
question of practicable methods, will occupy us. 

So far, silviculturally, the selection forest, i.e., cull- 
ing the best and the stoutest, practiced hitherto by 
the lumberman, without reference to reproduction, 
but carried on somewhat more conservatively, is 
still the method advocated in most cases by the Forest 
Service. This so-called conservative lumbering is,. 
to be sure, the transition to better methods. Accord- 
ing to reports of the federal Forest Service in 1907, 
some million acres of private timberland were under 
forest management or conservatively lumbered. 

Planting of waste or logged lands, as distinguished 
from planting in the prairies, which had, sporadically 
and in a small way, been done by individuals here and 
there for many years, is practised in ever increasing 
amount, both by State administrations and by pri- 
vate owners ; the New York State College of Forestry 
starting such planting in its College Forest on a larger 
scale and systematically, in 1899. At present writing, 
the forestry department of the Pennsylvania Rail- 
road Company is perhaps the largest single planter in 
the country, having set out over four million trees 
(by 1910), with the avowed purpose of growing rail- 
road ties. 

By 1908, popular interest in forest conservation 
had become so keen, and at the same time paterna- 

Conservation Policy. 499 

listlc tendencies so fully developed by the Roosevelt 
administration — the federal government having enter- 
ed upon extensive plans of reclaiming lands by irri- 
gation, and preparing to develop water powers, and 
inland waterways, — that the time seemed ripe to 
bring all these conservative forces into unity. 

The President called together in conference the 
governors of all the States with their advisers, to- 
gether with the presidents of the various national 
societies interested, and others, to discuss the broad 
question of the conservation of natural resources. 

As a consequence national and State Conservation 
Associations and Commissions were formed in all 
parts of the Union, and a new era of active interest 
in economic development seems to have arrived. 

4. Education and Literature. 

The primary education of the people at large and 
of their governments in particular, the propaganda 
for the economic reform contemplated by the forestry 
movement, was carried on, as stated, by the federal 
Division of Forestry and especially by the forestry 
associations, which sprang up in all parts of the country, 
by means of their annual and special meetings, aided 
by the general press and sometimes by special pub- 

The first Journal of Forestry, a monthly publication, 
ventured into the world as a private enterprise, edited 
by Dr. Hough, soon after the Forestry Congress in 
Cincinnati, but it survived just one year, vanishing 
for lack of readers. This was followed by irregularly 
appearing Forestry Bulletins, of which the writer 

500 United States. 

prepared four under the aegis of the American 
Forestry Association. 

In 1886, the Pennsylvania Forestry Association 
began the publication of a bi-monthly journal, Forest 
Leaves, which has persisted to this day. In 1895, 
Dr. John Gifford launched another bi-monthly, the 
New Jersey Forester, soon to change its name to The 
Forester, and under that name, three years later, 
taken over by the American Forestry Association, 
continued as Forestry and Irrigation, changed to Con- 
servation and now again changed to American Forestry. 
Now, half a dozen or more similar publications eman- 
ate from the various State Associations. In this 
connection there should not be forgotten the journal. 
Garden and Forest, edited by Professor C. S. Sargent, 
which for ten years, from 1888 to 1897, did much to 
enlighten the public on forestry matters. 

Some provision for technical education was made 
long before opportunity for its application had arisen, 
and, indeed, before any professional foresters were in 
existence to do the teaching. The new doctrine at- 
tracted the attention of educational institutions, and 
the desire to assist in the popular movement led to 
the introduction of the subject, at least by name, into 
their curricula; the professor of botany or of horti- 
culture, adding "forestry" to his title, and explaining 
in a few lectures the objects, and, as far as he knew 
them, the methods of forestry; or, at least some lec- 
tures on dendrology and forest geography were intro- 
duced in the botanical courses. By 1897, twenty 
institutions — land grant colleges — had in this way in- 
troduced the subject. 

Educational Development. 501 

Perhaps the first attempt to present systematically 
a whole course of technical forestry matter to a class 
of students was a series of twelve lectures, delivered 
by the writer, at the Massachusetts College of Agri- 
culture in 1887, and another to students of political 
economy at Wisconsin University in 1897. 

The era of professional forest schools, however, was, 
inaugurated in 1898, when the writer organised the 
New York State College of Forestry at Cornell Uni- 
versity, and almost simultaneously Dr. Schenck 
opened a private school at Biltmore. 

A year later, another Forest school was opened at 
Yale University, an endowment of the Pinchots, 
father and sons. In 1903, the University of Michigan 
added a professional department of forestry, and then 
followed a real flood of educational enthusiasm, one 
institution after another seeing the necessity for add- 
ing the subject as an integral part to its courses. 
Before there were enough competent men in the field, 
some twenty colleges or universities called for teachers, 
besides private institutions. An inevitable result of 
this over-production of forest schools and of foresters 
all at once must be an overcrowding of the profession 
with mediocre men before the profession is really 
fully established. 

Brief reference to the history of the first school, 
established by the State of New York, may be of 
interest, as exemplifying in a striking manner the 
political troubles besetting reforms under republican 
conditions. But for a similar occurrence in France 
(see p. 242), this case might be unique in the history 
of educational institutions. Although the school 

502 United States. 

thrived almost beyond expectation, having in its fourth 
year attained in numbers to 70, larger than any French 
or German forest school at the time, and readily 
finding employment for its graduates, it suddenly 
came to an end in 1903. Its appropriation, unani- 
mously voted in the Legislature, was vetoed by the 
Governor, on the alleged ground that the silvicultural 
methods applied in the demonstration forest of the 
College "had been subjected to grave criticism." It 
is true the only silvicultural method officially sanc- 
tioned (by the Forest Service), the selection forest, 
had not been applied, yet the war against the College 
being waged by two wealthy bankers of New York and 
the well-known character of the then Governor sug- 
gest that other ''considerations" than mere criticism 
of professional judgment were at the bottom of his 

As from the start, the federal Forestry Bureau natur- 
ally continued in ever increasing degree to be the edu- 
cator of the nation, not only as regards popular con- 
ceptions and attitudes, but as regards technical 
matter. Its bulletins, circulars, and reports on the 
subjects which come under investigation form the 
bulk of the American literature on the technical side 
of the subject. During the first 20 years of its ex- 
istence, some 20,000 pages of printed matter were 
produced, and the next decade increased the crop of 
information apace. At first intended for popular 
propaganda, the matter printed was naturally argu- 
mentative, statistical and descriptive, but gradually 
more and more technical matter filled the pages, and 
now most of the publications are of technical nature. 

Literature. 503 

One of the first extensive and important lines of in- 
vestigation undertaken by the Division was that into 
the characteristics and strength, the timber physics, of 
American woods, which in its comprehensiveness 
commanded the admiration of even the Germans, 
and gave rise to a series of reports. The biology of 
American species, more or less exhaustively studied, 
was also begun in the old Division, as well as forest 
surveys, etc. 

By 1902, enough professional interest was in the 
country to make the publication of a professional 
journal possible and desirable, the Forestry Quarterly 
being launched by the writer, with a Board of Editors 
chosen mainly from the forest schools. 

The first association of professional foresters was 
formed in 1900 — the Society of American Foresters — 
which issues from time to time proceedings containing 
technical discussions. 

The technical book literature, partly due, no doubt, 
to the overpowering publication facilities of the federal 
government, is still scanty, and good textbooks es- 
pecially are still lacking in most branches. 

A series of ephemeral popular books answered the 
demands of earlier days, but outside of Professor 
Henry S. Graves' volumes on Forest Mensuration and 
lately on The Principles of Handling Woodlands, and 
a few minor aid books and lecture notes, there is as 
yet nothing of permanent value to be recorded. The 
writers' own publication. Economics of Forestry, is 
intended less for foresters than students of political 

Three monumental works can be mentioned in the 

504 United States. 

dendrologlcal line, however, namely the 10th volume of 
the XII Census (1880) on the Forests of North America; 
Micheaux and Nuttall's North American Silva in 
5 volumes, 1865; and C. S. Sargent's Silva of the United 
States, in 14 magnificent volumes, — three publi- 
cations which can take rank with any similar liter- 
ature anywhere. 


The Spanish War, in 1898, brought to the United 
States new outlying territory, over 150,000 square 
miles, in three locations, the relationship as regards 
government varying in the three cases, namely Porto 
Rico, the Sandwich Islands, and the Philippine Islands, 
besides several smaller islands in the Pacific Ocean. 

While the latter are only temporarily under control 
or tutelage of the United States, and are expected 
sooner or later to attain complete self government, 
Hawaii was annexed as a Territory in the same sense 
as all other Territories, the inhabitants having become 
citizens of the United States, while Porto Rico is a 
dependency with partial self-government, but its in- 
habitants do not enjoy citizenship in the States. 

All these islands are located in the tropics and hence 
the composition of the forest is of tropical species. 

Commercially, the forests of Porto Rico and of 
Hawaii are relatively of little value, but their pro- 
tective value is paramount, and a conservative policy 
is needed in order to preserve the water supply for 
agricultural use (sugar plantations in Hawaii) and to 
prevent erosion. 

Insular Possessions. 505 

For Porto Rico, a beginning of forest policy was 
made by setting aside, in 1903, the Luquillo Forest 
Reservation, some 20,000 acres in the Eastern moun- 
tainous part of the island, which is under direct con- 
trol of the United States government. The rest of 
public lands and forests was placed under the Depart- 
ment of the Interior of the island. 

In Hawaii, even before annexation, a movement 
on the part of the Sugar Planters Association was made 
in 1897, to induce the insular government to devise 
protective measures. The result was the appoint- 
ment of a Committee who made a report in which the 
writer had a hand. But not until 1903 was a Board of 
Commissioners of Agriculture and Forestry es- 
tablished, a Superintendent of Forestry appointed, 
an organization of district foresters effected, and a 
number of forest reservations established. The prin- 
ciple of State forest was fully recognized by planning 
the gradual withdrawal of some 300,000 acres and by 
beginning the extension of forested area by plantations. 
In 1910, 23 reserves with an area of 575,000 acres had 
been made. Distribution of plant material and of 
advice to planters is also part of the policy. Annual 
Reports are issued which attest the good common 
sense in the administration. 

In the Philippine Islands, a territory of 120,000 
square miles, largely mountainous, not only the pro- 
tective but the commercial value of the timberlands 
is considerable. The extent is variously estimated as 
covering between 40 and 50 million acres (50% of total 
area), much of it virgin, and 16 million acres of it com- 
mercially valuable. Of the seven hundred odd species 

506 United States. 

of trees, mostly heavy woods, composing the forest, 
some 160 are marketable at home and in China; yet 
almost fifty per cent, of the home consumption is 
imported from the States, owing to absence or in- 
accessibility of softwoods, and high cost due to ex- 
cessive expense of present logging methods. 

When the United States took charge of the islands it 
w^as found that the Spaniards had since 1863 a forestry 
service, manned by Spanish foresters, and in the lower 
ranks by Filipinos. To be sure, the activities of this 
forestry bureau went hardly beyond the collection of 
dues for timber licenses, which yielded little more than 
the cost of the service, although on paper excellent in- 
structions were found elaborated. 

It so happened that an officer of the American 
army, Captain George P. Ahern, had for some time 
given attention to forestry matters in the States, and 
he naturally was placed in charge of this bureau, in 
1900. There were found to be around one million 
acres private and church property, the rest being con- 
sidered State lands, but all private owners were re- 
quired to register their holdings before being allowed 
to exercise their rights. A system of licenses for 
cutting timber, and of free use permits to the poor 
population was continued after Spanish models. Not 
only was an efficient administration gradually se- 
cured, but the technical side of dendrological and 
silvicultural knowledge was developed as rapidly as 
possible under the able administration of Captain 
Ahern, a continuously growing literature being the 


Administration, Austria, 167; 
Canada, 424; Denmark, 316; 
Finland, 281 ; France, 217, 
219, 223, 224; Germany, 80, 
120ff ; Great Britain, 375 ; 
Greece, 332, 333; Hungary, 
181; India, 396 ; Italy, 339 ; 
Japan 450ff; Norway 309, 
311;Portugal,362; Roumania 
325, 327; Russia 268, 269; 
Spain,359; Sweden, 291, 301, 
302; Switzerland, 197; United 
States, 485, 486, 488. 

Africa, 439. 

Alabama, 496. 

Albania, 322. 

Algiers, 223, 250. 

AUmende, (Germany) 28., 

Allotment methods, 73, 114, 
120, 303. 

Andre, 115. 

Andrews, 474. 

Arabia, 15. 

Arborday, Germany, 63; Italy 
348 ; Japan, 449; Spain, 
360; United States 477; 

Area allotment, Austria, 170; 
France, 240; Germany, 114; 
Sweden, 303. 

Area division, France, 240; 
Germany, 40, 69, 70, 74; 
Russia, 274. 

Arnold, 272; 

Artaxerxes, regulations by, 10. 

Aschaffenburg, 146. 

Asia Minor, 10. 

Associations, Austria, 176 
Canada, 435; Denmark, 319 
Finland, 284; France, 247 
Germany, 148; Great Bri- 
tain, 378; Greece, 334; Hun- 
gary, 184; Italy, 349; Japan, 
454; Norway, 314; Roumania 
326; Russia, 271, 272; Swe- 
den, 305; Switzerland, 201; 
United States, 479, 480, 481, 

Australia, 440. 
Austria, 152. 

Baden, 120. 

Baden-Powell, 390, 408 

Bagneris, 242, 246. 

Balestrieri, 347. 

Ball planting, Germany, 65. 

Banforest, Austria, 163; Ger- 
many 21; Great Britain, 370; 
Italy, 343, 344, 346; Japan, 
448; Russia, 261; Switzer- 
land, 190. 

Barres, 244. 

Baudrillart, 242, 245. 

Baur, 133, 137, 138, 140, 147. 

Bavaria, 119. 

Bechstein,J. M., 131, 140, 141, 
142, 148. 

Beckman, J.G., 73,76,87. 

Beckman, J., 90, 91 

Bedemar, 273. 

V. Behlen, 140, 150 

Behm, 136. 

Bein and Eyber, 138 

V. Berlepsch, 67, 88. 

Berlin forest school, 83, 84. 

Bern, 200. 

Bernhardt, 150. 

Bertram, 434. 

Betulomania (Germany), 65. 

Biermans, 107. 

Biltmore, 497. 

Bohemia, 170, 172, 178. 

Boppe, 242, 246. 

Borggreve, 112, 131, 138, 140, 

Borkhausen, 140. 

Bose, 140. 

Bosnia-Herzegovina, 155, 166. 

Bowers, 483. 

Brandis, 383, 394, 402, 405, 
406, 408. 

Braun, 132. 

Bremontier, 225. 

Brewer, 474. 

Breymann, 134. 

V. Brocke, 89. 


Broillard, 242, 246. 
Biichting, 87. 
Buffon, 237, 239, 245. 
Biihler, 202. 
Bulgaria, 322. 

Bunch planting, Germany, 108 
Burgsdorf, 84, 105. 
Burkhardt, 108, 131, 140, 150. 
Butlar, 107. 

California, 491, 496, 497. 
Calipers, 134. 

Cameralists, Austria, 168; Ger- 
many, 57, 81, 122, 143. 
Canada, 409. 
Cape Colony, 439 
Carlowitz, 64, 68, 86. 
Catalpa (Germany), 66. 
Cato, 19,20 
Ceylon, 438. 
Champagne, reboisement 

(France), 229 
Chevandier, 247. 
Church forests, 14, 46, 55, 93. 
City forests (Germany), 34, 46, 

Clav^, 238, 239. 
Clearing system, France, 218; 

Germany, 108; Italy, 338; 

India, 402; Sv/eden, 302. 
Cleghorn, 393. 
Cleopatra, 10 
Cleveland, 484, 485. 
Clinton, 468. 
Cloister forests, Germany, 37, 

46, 55, 93. 
Clovis, 29, 30. 
Coaz, 191, 202. 
Cochin China, 251. 
Code forestier, 220, 222. 
Colbert, 215. 
Colbert's ordinance, France, 

235, 238. 
Colerus, 85. 
Colonies, (French), 248-252; 

(Great Britain), 380-441. 
Colorado, 490, 491. 
Columella, 19, 20. 

Commissions, Austria, 162, 
174; Canada, 434, 436; 
France, 215; Great Britain, 
375, 376, 377; Hungary, 181; 
Italy, 342, 344,345; Norway, 
308, 309, 312; Russia, 263, 
266; Spain, 355; Sweden, 
295, 297, 299; United States, 
475, 481, 489, 492, 493, 494. 

Communal forests, Austria, 
158; 174; France, 208, 209, 
210, 211, 212, 220, 221, 222, 
240; Finland, 280; Germany, 
28, 46, 56, 94, 127; Hungary, 
180; India, 390, 391; Italy, 
339; Japan,446; Norway ,307, 
312; Russia, 259, 260; Swe- 
den, 291, 293; Switzerland, 

Compartment method, Ger- 
many, 61. 

Conifer planting, Germany, 65. 

Connecticut, 496, 497. 

Conservation, United States, 

Conservation Board, Sweden, 

Consumption, world, 4 

Coopers Hill, 378, 406. 

Coppice, France, 234; Ger- 
many, 60, 110; India, 402; 
Italy, 17, 338; Switzerland, 

Corporation forests, see Com- 
munal Forests. 

V, Cotta, 83, 99, 102, 104, 
110, 113, 119, 130, 131, 135, 
138, 140, 144, 145, 170, 242, 

Cramer, 89. 

de Crescentiis, 85, 244. 

Cyprus, 10, 439. 

Dalhousie, 393. 
Dalmatia, 161. 
Dankelmann, 140, 150. 
D'Arcy, 408. 
Dehra Dun, 407. 



Delaware, 497. 

Demontzey, 246. 

Denmark, 314. 

Diameter limit, Canada, 427; 
France, 235; Germany, 40, 
49; Sweden, 293, 298. 
pricemaker, Germany, 74. 

Diodorus, 14,16. 

Doebel, 75, 86. 

Dokuchaev, 273. 

Dombrowski, 131. 

Dralet, 245. 

Draudt, 136. 

Duhamel 237, 238, 245. 

Ebermayer, 142. 

Eberswalde, 146. 

Egypt, 14, 16. 

Eisenach 146. 

Endres 144. 

Ensign, United States, 491. 

Entail, Germany, 129. 

Entomology, Germany, 142. 

Ethiopia 14, 15. 

Evelyn's Silva, Great Britain, 

Experiment stations, Austria, 
176; France, 239; Germany. 
147; Hungary, 184; Italy, 
348; Japan, 453; Sweden, 
304; Switzerland, 201. 

Exports, see Imports 

Export trade, Canada, 418, 

Faustmann, 134, 139. 

Feldjager, 81. 

Felling time, Germany, 78. 

Femelschlag, Germany, 61. 

Fernandez, 408. 

Feudal system, France, 208, 
210; Germany, 33; Japan, 

Finland, 277. 

Fires, Canada, 418, 429; 
France, 221, 250; Germany, 
48; India, 400, 401; Sweden, 
303; Switzerland, 190; Unit- 
ed States, 465, 494. 

Fischbach 140. 

de Fleury, France, 233. 

Forest area, world, 4 

Forest conditions, ancient, 9; 
Austria, 155ff; Canada, 414- 
417; Denmark, 314, 315; 
Finland, 279; France, 205, 
206; Germany, 24, 47, 96, 
109; Great Britain, 367; 
Greece, 328, 329; India, 383- 
388; Italy, 336; Japan, 444; 
Norway, 306, 307; Portugal, 
360; Russia, 254-258; Spain, 
352; Sweden, 287, 288; 
Switzerland 188; Turkey, 
322; United States, 461-466. 

Forest courts, France, 216; 
Germany, 32; Great Britain, 
370, 371. 

Foresters, Forestarii, 32, 38. 

Forest influences, Austria, 163; 
France, 230; Germany, 129, 
144 ; Italy, 342-347; Russia, 
264; Switzerland, 191, 194. 

Forest management, ancient, 

Forest ordinances, Austria, 
158, 161; France, 212-216; 
Germany, 37, 38, 52;. 

Forest organization, Austria, 
169-172; France, 239,240; 
Germany, 113-120; Japan, 
452; Russia, 274; Sweden, 

Forest police, Austria, 164-166. 

Forest protection, by ancients, 
16,18; Germany, 141, 142. 

Forest rent, Germany, 118, 

Forest schools, Austria, 175; 
Canada, 436; Denmark, 319; 
Finland, 283 ; France, 241, 
242-244; Germany, 83, 84, 
90, 145; Great Britain, 377, 
378; Hungary, 183, 184; 
India, 405; Italy, 347, 348; 
Japan,450,451,454; Norway, 
310, 313; Portugal, 364; 


Russia, 270, 271; Spain, 355, 
356; Sweden, 303, 304; 
Switzerland, 190, 200; Uni- 
ted States, 487, 500, 501. 

Forest service, see Adminis- 

Forest use control, early, Aus- 
tria, 158 ; Denmark, 316 ; 
France,213ff ; Germany, 36ff, 
49, 50, 55, 56; Hungary, 
180; Norway, 308; Sweden, 

Forestry congress, Canada 429; 
United States, 480. 

Forestry council, Germany, 

Forestry journals see Journals 

Forestry, origin, 2, 41. 

Form factors, Germany, 134. 

Form quotient, Germany 135 

Frederick the Great, 72 

French revolution, 126. 

Frontier forests, ancient, 13,15. 
France, 222; Germany, 28; 
Hungary, 180; 

Furst 131, 132, 142. 

Galicia, 160. 

Gamble, 408. 

Gayer, 108, 131, 132. 

German influence, Denmark, 
317, 332; France, 242; India, 
380; Russia, 262; Sweden, 
295; Switzerland, 191; Uni- 
ted States, 480, 497. 

Germany, 22. 

Gibson, 393. 

GifTord, 500. 

Giessen, 146. 

V. Gleditsch, 84. 

Gochhausen, 86. 

Goeppert, 112. 

Graves.. 503. 

Great Britain, 365. 

Grebe, 142. 

Greece, ancient, 10, 14, 16. 
modern, 327. 

Grenzmark, 13. 

Guiot, 237, 245. 
Guyot, 243, 246. 
Gwinner, 131, 140. 

Harrison, 483. 
Hartig, G. L. 83, 94, 98, 110, 
113, 121, 130, 131, 132, 133, 

136, 138, 139, 140, 145, 149, 
170, 242, 245, 246. 

Hartig's rules 102, 104, 105. 

Hartig, R. 112, 141, 136. 

Hartig, Th. 132, 141. 

Hauch 319. 

Haug, 112. 

Hausvater, 85. 

Hawaii, 505. 

Hennert, 72, 74, 75. 

Henry, 246. 

Hess, 102, 142. 

Heyer, E. 138. 

Heyer, G. 102, 117, 134, 138, 

139, 140, 141, 142, 146, 150. 
Heyer, K. 101, 106, 111, 116, 

130, 131, 134, 147. 
Heyer, K. method 120. 
Historical periods, Germany, 

25, 26. 
Hodges. 479. 
Holy groves, 13, 15, 16. 
Hossfeld 112, 134, 135, 136, 

137, 138. 
Hough, 475. 

Huber, 115, 134, 136, 137. 
Huffel, 239, 247. 
Hundeshagen, 100 111, 116, 

125, 130, 131, 135, 137, 140, 

147, 171. 
Hungary, 154, 178. 
Hunting grounds of Romans 

Hygienic influences, Italy, 344, 

Hypsometer, Germany, 75, 134 

Imports Canada, 418; Den- 
mark, 315; Finland, 277; 
France, 206; Germany, 24, 
126 ; Italy, 338 ; Great 


Britain, 368; Norway, 308; 
Spain, 353; Sweden, 289; 
Russia, 253. 

Improvement fellings, France, 
235; Germany, 110. 

Increment measuring, Ger- 
many, 75. 

Index per cent. Germany, 117. 

India, 14, 380. 

Indiana, 496, 497. 

Indo-China 251. 

Information bureau, Germany, 

Isaiah, reference, 10. 

Israelites, 10, 13. 

Istria, 160. 

Italy, 11, 335. 

Jacobi 70 

Jacquot 247. 

Jaeger 112,138 

Jaeger, holzgerechte, Germany; 
56, 81, 86. 

Japan 442. 

Jews 10, 13. 

Josephus, reference to forest 
destruction 10. 

Journals, Austria, 178; Canada, 
435, 436; Denmark, 319; 
Finland, 284; France, 247; 
Germany, 149, 150; Great 
Britain, 379; Hungary, 184; 
India, 408 ; Italy, 349 ; 
Norway, 314; Roumania, 
326; Russia, 271; Spain, 360; 
Sweden, 304, 305; Switzer- 
land, 202; United States, 
480, 481, 499, 500, 503. 

Judeich 117, 140, 170. 

Judeich and Nitzsche 142. 

Jung 90 

Kaigodorov 273 

Kaiser 132 

Karl 138 

Karlsruhe 146 

Karst 156, 161, 173, 174. 

Kauschinger 142 

Kentucky 496. 

Klipstein 114. 

Kogl 172 

Konig 100, 111, 112, 116, 132, 

135, 136, 138, 272. 
Korea 455. 
Krafft 112, 133, 140. 
Krain 159. 
Kravschinsky 273. 
Kregting 73, 113. 
Krohne 75. 
V. Kropf 72, 74, 75. 
Kuntze 136, 137, 138. 

Landes, reboisement, France, 
226, 227. 

Landolt, 191, 202. 

V. L^angen, 68, 70, 88,309, 316. 

Lapham 489 

V. Lassberg 88. 

Laurop 142, 144, 148 

Lefebvre 249. 

Lehr 140, 144. 

Leiria forest, Portugal, 363 

Literature, ancient, 19; Aus- 
tria, 178; Denmark, 319; 
France, 244-247; Germany; 
22, 41, 67, 84-91, 130ff; 
Great Britain, 379; Hungary 
183; Italy, 349; India, 405 ; 
Russia, 271, 272; Sweden, 
303; Switzerland, 202. 

Litter 51, 133. 

Logslides, Germany, 79. 

Lorentz, 238, 242. 

Lorey, 112, 131, 136, 137. 

Louisiana, 496. 

Lumber industry. United 
States, 471; Canada,419,420. 

Macedonia, 11, 322. 
Maine, United States, 494, 496. 
Malay States 438 
Manteufifel 63, 107. 
Maria Theresa reforms, Aus- 
tria, 161, 180. 


Mark forests Austria, 154; 
France, 207; Germany, 27ff, 
37, 44, 46, 95; Norway, 307; 
Sweden, 290ff. 

Marsh G.P., 474. 

Maryland 496. 

Massachusetts 490, 496. 

Matsuno 450, 453. 

Mauritius 439 

Mayer 141. 

Mayr 132.. 

McClelland 394. 

Mediterranean countries, 10, 
12, 320. 

Meister 202. 

Mensuration, Germany, 73, 
78, 133ff. 

Mercantilistic system, Ger- 
many, 42, 53, 126. 

Mesopotamia, 10 

Methode ii tire et aire, Ger- 
many, 58, 217; France, 236. 

Meurer 85 

Meyer 144 

Micheaux 245, 478. 

Michigan 490, 496, 497. 

Mine forests, Austria, 159 ; 
Hungary, 180. 

Minnesota, 489, 494, 496, 497. 

Moreau des Jonn^s 130 

Morozov 273. 

V. Moser 89. 

Mound planting, Germany, 

Mount Lebanon 10, 14. 

Miihlhausen 132. 

MiiUer P.E. 319. 

Muller, U. 138 

Munden 146 

Munich 84, 146. 

Municipal forests 14 

Nancy, 242, 406. 
Nanquette 242, 243, 246. 
Napoleon 219.. 

Natural regeneration, develop- 
ment in Germany, 39, 58ff. 

Navy reservations, Canada, 
424; France, 215; Great 
Britain, 374; Russia, 262; 
United States,469. 

Nestorov 273. 

Newfoundland 437. 

New Hampshire, 490, 496, 497. 

New Jersey 490, 496, 497. 

New York 490, 491-494, 498. 

New South Wales, 441. 

Ney 131. 

Nisbet 379 

Noble 483. 

Noerdlinger 132, 138, 156. 

Normal forest, Austria, 170, 
171; Germany, 115; Hun- 
gary, 181. 

North Carolina 490, 497 

Norway, 305. 

Nurseries, ancient, 20; Ger- 
many, 106, 107; Hungary, 

Nursetree method, Germany, 

Oettelt 68, 70, 74, 76, 77,134, 

Ohio 490, 497. 
Oliva de Serres 244 
Ordinances, Austria, 158, 161, 

165; France, 214, 215, 216, 

217, 233; Germany, 33, 38, 

47, 48, 49ff, 62; Italy, 340; 

Japan, 447; Norway, 310; 

Spain, 355; Sweden, 294 ; 

United States, 467. 
Orlov 273. 
Otozky 273. 
Oxford University 378, 406. 

Palestine 9, 13 
Palladius 19. 
Parade 242, 246. 
Paradises of Persians 13 
Pasture in forests, Greece, 331; 

India, 400; Italy, 346. 
Pasture woods, Germany, 62; 

Switzerland 193, 195, 196. 


Pathology, Germany, 141. 

Paulsen 115, 136. 

Pearson 401. 

Pennsylvania 495, 496. 

Pennsylvania Railroad Com- 
pany 498. 

Persia 14. 

Perthuis 245. 

Peter de Crescentiis, 41, 244. 

Pfeil 101, 104, 111, 126, 130, 
131, 132, 139, 142, 143, 144, 
145, 150. 

Physiocratic doctrine, Ger- 
many, 43. 

Pinchot 487, 497, 501. 

Phillipines, 505, 506. 

Planting, Austria, 172, 173; 
Denmark, 318, 319; France, 
224ff; Germany, 39, 62, 65, 
66, 82, 166ff; Great Britain, 
369; India, 404; Japan, 451; 
453; Portugal, 362, 363;Rus- 
sia, 276; Sweden, 302; United 
States, 476, 477, 478, 498. 
fund, Germany, 65; Rus- 
sia, 269; Spain, 358. 
budgets, Germany, 66. 

Plant material distribution, 
Germany, 128; Hungary, 
182; Italy, 346; Portugal, 
364; Russia, 267; United 
States, 498. 

Pliny 19, 20. 

Poland 275 

Polewood management, Ger- 
many, 61. 

Portugal 360. 

Porto Rico, 504. 

Pressler 111, 112, 117, 134, 136, 
138, 139, 140. 

Private forests,ancient, 15; Aus- 
tria, 158, 162; Canada, 423; 
Denmark, 317; Finland, 283; 
France, 206, 207, 212, 224, 
240, 241; Germany, 29, 55, 
128; Greece, 333; Hungary, 
179; India, 390, 391; Italy, 
339; Japan, 447; Norway, 

308; Portugal, 361, 363; Rus- 
sia, 273; Spain, 360; Sweden, 
293; Switzerland, 195, 196. 

Property conditions, ancient, 
12; Austria, 157; Canada, 
422, 423, 424; Denmark, 216, 
217 Finland, 280; France, 
212; Germany, 27-36, 42-47, 
92; Great Britain, 375; In- 
dia, 388; Italy, 339, 342; 
Japan, 447, 450; Norway, 
307; Portugal 361; Russia, 
259, 260; Spain, 352, Sweden 
290flf; Switzerland, 189; 
United States, 458, 461. 

Protection forest, Austria, 163; 
France, 222, 250; Hungary, 
181; Italy, 342; Japan, 453; 
Norway, 312, 313; Russia, 
264, 265, 266; Switzerland, 
194, 196. 

Puton, 242, 243, 246. 

Queensland. 441. 

Railroad planting, United 
States, 479, 498. 

Ramann 142. 

Ratzeburg 142. 

Rt^aumur, 77, 238, 245. 

Reboisement, Austria, 150, 159 
165; Denmark, 317; France, 
223, 224, 229, 232, 238; Ger- 
many, 62, 106 ; Great 
Britain, 377 ; Hungary, 
181; Portugal, 363; Russia, 
269, 275, 276-277; Italy, 344, 
345; Norway, 311 ; Russia, 
276; Spain, 358, 359. 

Reforestation, see Planting and 

Reservations, Canada, 424, 
425, 432; United States, 469. 

Reum 140. 

V. Reuss, 118, 134, 246. 

Ribbentrop 383, 380, 408. 

Richter 134. 

Rhode Island 496. 


Rights of user, ancient, 15; 
Denmark, 322; France, 206. 
210, 211, 221; Germany, 21, 
32, 44, 47, 96, 128; Greece, 
331; India, 388, 389, 390, 
391; Japan, 447; Norway, 
307, 313; Sweden, 291; Swit- 
zerland, 195;. 

Road building, Germany, 132. 

Robinia, Germany, 66 

Roger 408. 

Romans, forest conditions, 11, 
wood markets, 12. 
management 12 
ownership, 16 

Roosevelt 487, 499. 

Rostaing 338. 

Rotations, France, 234, 237; 
Germany, 139, 140; Russia, 

Roth 486. 

Rothrock 495. 

Roumania, 321, 324, 327. 

Roumelia 322. 

Royal trees, India, 389; Japan, 

Rudzsky 273. 

Runnebaum 132. 

Russia 253. 

DE Salomon 246, 

Sand dune planting, Denmark, 
318. France, 225, 226, 250; 
Germany, 65; Hungary, 180, 
183; Italy, 338; Russia, 276. 

Sargent, 500. 

Saxony 119. 

Saw, use, Germany, 77, 78. 

Scandinavia 285. 

Schenck 497, 501. 

Schiffel 135. 

Schilcher 113. 

Schlich 378, 379, 383, 408. 

Schneider 138. 

Schoener 134. 

Schroeder 142. 

Schuberg 137. 

Schwappach 132, 137, 138, 144. 

V. Seckendorff 165 

Seebach modified beech forest, 
Germany, 109. 

Seed tree management, France, 

Seed tree methods, Sweden, 302 

Seigniorage, Austria, 159; Ger- 
many, 32, 43, 44, 54, 92. 

Selection forest, Austria, 172; 
Finland, 281; France, 206, 
235, 237, 239; Germany, 40, 
68, 62, 108, 110; India, 402; 
Italy, 338; Norway, 313; 
Russia, 274; Sweden, 302; 
Switzerland, 198; United 
States, 498. 

Senft 142. 

Servia 323. 

Servitudes, see Rights of user, 

Seutter, 137, 139. 

Seymour, 491. 

Shelterwood system, Austria, 
172; France, 238, 239, 242; 
Germany, 102, 107, 105, 108; 
Switzerland, 198. 

Shifting sands, see Sand dunes. 

Siberia 254, 255, 256. 

Sihlwald 190. 

Silviculture, Austria, 172; 
France, 235-240; Denmark, 
318; Germany, 57ff, 68, 102- 
112; India, 402;Romans, 16, 
17; Russia, 274; Sweden, 
302; Switzerland, 198. 

Slavish countries 321. 

Smalian 134, 135. 

Smith, Adam, 93, 143. 

Sniith, Hoke 484. 

Soil knowledge, Germany, 142. 

Soil rent, Germany, 117, 138, 

Solitude, school, Germany, 84, 

Sologne, reboisement, France, 

South Australia, 440. 

Southworth 430. 

Sowing, Germany, 63 


Sowing cones, Germany, 64. 

Space number, Germany, 135. 

Spain 9, 11, 349. 

Spath 110, 136. 

Stahl 84,' 89, 91. 

Starr 473. 

State foresters, Canada, 431; 
France, 220; Germany, 120; 
United States, 496; Switzer- 
land, 198; 

State forests, Austria, 167, 
168; Denmark, 317; Fin- 
land, 280, 281, 282, 283; 
France, 210, 218, 219; origin 
in Germany. 92; Great Bri- 
tain, 374, 375, 376; Greece, 
331; Hungary, 180, 181, 182; 
India, 388, 396; Italy, 339; 
Japan, 450, 451; Norway, 
307, 311; Portugal, 362; 
Russia, 256; Spain, 357, 358, 
359; Sweden, 290, 291, 292. 

State supervision, Austria, 161- 
165; Germany, 144; Greece, 
333; Hungary, 181;France, 
220-223; Finland, 283; Den- 
mark, 316; Italy, 342ff; 
Japan, 452; Norway, 312; 
Protugal, 363; Russia, 263ff; 
Spain, 360; Sweden, 297, 
299ff . ; Switzerland, 193. 

V. Steuben 480. 

Stoetzer, 132. 

Straits Settlement 438. 

Strip system, Austria, 172; 
Germany, 59; Russia, 274, 

Styria 159, 160, 162, 171. 

Successive fellings, Germany, 
61, 102. 

Supplies, of world, 4. 

Swamps reclaimed, Russia, 277 

Sweden, 287. 

Switzerland 185. 

Syria 10 

Tariff, Germany, 126 
Tassy 246, 249. 

Taungya, Germany, 65; India, 

Tax release, Austria, 173, 174; 

France, 218; United States, 

Technology, ancient, 18, 19; 

Switzerland, 202. 
Tharandt, 84, 146. 
Thrace 322. 
Theophrastus 19. 
Tichonoff 272. 
Thinnings, Denmark, 318; 

France, 236, 239; Germany, 

67, 110-112; Switzerland, 

Thirty years' war, Germany, 

Timber culture acts. United 

States, 476, 477. 
Timber famine, Germany, 3, 
40, 49, 97, 126, 144; United 

States, 466, 468. 
Timber licenses, Canada, 425, 

426, 427. 
Timber Physics, United States, 

Tire et aire method, France, 

236, 238, 241. 
Tolsky 273. 
Torrents, Austria, 165; France, 

229-232 ; Italy, 336, 345; 
Transportation means, Ger- 
many, 79. 
Tree marking, Germany, 51. 
Triage 211. 
Trunk 75, 90. 
Tubingen 146. 
Tuffer 374. 
Turkey 321. 
Tursky 273. 
Tyrol 159. 

United States, 456 

Urich 136. 

Utilization, Germany, 132. 

Valuation, Germany, 138. 
Vanderbilt 497. 


Varro 19,20 

Venice 161. 

Vergil 19. 

Vermont 496. 

Vienna forest 171. 

Vizner 183. 

Volume allotment, Germany, 

73, 113. 
Volume tables, Germany, 75, 

76, 135. 

Wagener, 112, 131, 140. 

Wagner 132. 

Waldfeldbau, Germany, 65, 

Walther 140. 
Wangenheim 97. 
Warder 474, 479. 
Wartenberg dibble 107. 
Washington 496. 
Waste lands, Canada, 434; 

France, 224 ; Japan, 453. 
Weber, R., 137, 142, 144. 
Wedekind 143. 
V. Wedell 71, 74. 
Weise 137 
Weisswasser 170. 

Wellenberg, Lang von, 158. 

Wertheim 247. 

Wessely 183. 

West Virginia 490. 

Wiedenman 130. 

WiUkomm 141. 

Wimmenauer 134. 

Wind danger, Germany, 59. 

Wisconsin 489, 494, 496, 497. 

Wollny 142. 

Wood chopper, league, Ger- 
many, 79. 

Wood prices, Switzerland, 200. 

Working plans, France, 235; 
Germany, 113, 121, 122; 
India, 405; Japan, 451. 

World, wood supply and con- 
sumption, 4. 

Wiirttemberg 119. 

Yield, regulation methods, 68. 
Yield tables, Germany, 76, 
115, 136. 

V. Zanthier 68, 70, 76, 77, 83, 

88, 91, 309, 316. 
Zurich 109, 200.